! Paradise of Rivendellious Borneo !

Muja Menua… appeasing the angry gods

2011-09-17T07:39:00.002+08:00

IN 1924 a Muja Menua miring ceremony was held to mark the end of hostilities between the Kayans and Kenyahs and the Ibans in the upper reaches of the Rajang.

CHIEF PRIEST: Nabau, chosen by the elders to lead the grand ceremony, the Muja Menua.

The hostilities was a result of the tribes literally colliding into each other as the Kayans and Kenyahs move downstream from the headwaters of the Rejang and Baleh towards Kapit while the Ibans spread upstream from Kapit.
The peace treaty was brokered by one of the more colourful officers of the Brooke reign, Gerald MacBryan and cleverly enforced by the holding of the Muja Menua miring in November that year.
In the Iban tradition the Muja Menua is the highest level of miring, the ceremonial prayers and rituals to appease the spirits and gods for sins committed against humanity and nature.
Such is the level of Muja Menua that it was never held again until this year and coincidentally also in the month of November and in the upper reaches of the same river — the Rajang.
However, the Muja Menua held on Nov 17 this year was not to cement a peace treaty but to seek forgiveness and appease the gods for the ravages wreaked on the environment by the people through logging and other activities.
Apparently the devastation of the environment in the headwaters areas of the Baleh which is a tributary of the Rajang had so angered the spirits of the forests and mountains that they brought on massive landslides that caused logs, branches and other debris tumbling into the river resulting in the most massive logjam ever seen in Sarawak.
On Oct 17 the people living along the Baleh and Rejang were flabbergasted by the sight the mighty rivers choked a solid mass of logs, trees and branches floating down stream like Nabau the Iban mythical serpent — some estimated the logjam to be 250 kilometres long.
Although the cost of the physical damages caused by the floating logs was small, the environmental damage was massive and unlikely to be fully gauged. Fish, prawns and other aquatic life in the rivers were suffocated by the silt and mud churned up by the logs.
Although the river folk had a field day picking up dying fish and prawns in the river, their hearts were filled with misgivings and fear for the future.
The Ibans in Baleh have expressed their fear and believed that the reason behind the massive debris along the Baleh/Rejang Rivers was the wrath of the gods who were angry with the loggers as the tractors and bulldozers have damaged their abode at Ulu Sg Melatai.
For some, they believed that the indiscriminate pollution at the domains of the spirits of the rivers, jungles and mountains at Ulu Sg Melatai have caused the gods to move out from their domains and caused the massive movement that resulted in the massive debris being washed down the rivers.
During a meeting with 12 Iban village chiefs held at Rumah Tujai, Ng Sebiro, Entawau, Baleh on Oct12, they have told Dato Sri Dr James Masing, the Minister of Land Development that a grand miring ceremony must be held to appease the spirits as soon as possible.
Masing had said then that he would have to discuss the matter with the Majlis Adat Istiadat the kind of miring ceremony that would be most appropriate to appease the deities, and more so, the wrath of the local people.
“The ceremony will hopefully appease the gods as well as the local people. At this stage, they only blamed the loggers but we must stopped their anger otherwise they vent it out at the government.
“My top priority now is not only to appease the people but also the gods whose wraths could worsen the already tense situation,” Masing told thesundaypost after meeting.
For the Ibans in Baleh their wrath was justified as their livelihood had been devastated by the logjam causing a complete lost of fish and animals from their jungles which they claimed as their ‘supermarket’.
“But we are very angry with the loggers because the ‘Baleh Tsunami’ or logjam is caused by them. They have made the abode of the gods too noisy with their tractors and other heavy machineries which made the gods to get angry and shake the forest and resulted in the devastation,” said Tuai Rumah Sebaung, Ng Melamah, Baleh.
They said the disrespectful ways of the loggers to nature have created an enmity between them and the local people.
Masing, himself a Christian, who earned his PhD in anthropology through his research on Iban studies stressed that the miring ceremony was not against the Christian teachings as it is part and parcel of the Iban’s culture and tradition.
“Miring is part of the socio-religious fabric of the Iban community. So there is no reason to think that the miring ceremony is diminishing among the community,” stressed Masing.
It was determined the landslides occurred at Ulu Sg. Malatai, which is a tributary of the Baleh.

Panggau Libau

2011-07-30T09:36:00.000+08:00

Panggau Libau Lendat Dibiau Gerempong Isang,
Merawa Lama Munyi Merimba Mungga Nebang.

Sape...instrument of the Gods of Borneo

2011-06-13T05:13:00.000+08:00

Sape is not even the original name it was called. It was firstly known as sampe' by the Lebu' Kulit Tribe among the Kenyah's race in Kalimantan ,Borneo .Who was the inventor of the instrument. Now people call it sape, sapeh and sampik , it all depend on the reporters spelling. Even so as the instrument being used by people of various ethnic, they have name for it according to their own tongue.
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Who was this historical inventor? His name was called Anye' Selung. Again some writers spell his name as Nyik Selung and Anyik Selong. He was a limping man. He got a high fever for many days. On one particular day he got this strange encounter or rather a dream where he was instructed by spirits to invent the instrument. When he got up he was healed. He then shape this "Jelutung wood" and carved it according to what he was instructed. He used Pineapple leave threat as the strings.

Later the news spread so quickly to the surrounding villages. He was transported to many nearby villages to play the instrument which they believe can heal people of their sicknesses. People would carry him by four because he was limping. The dancing with the music comes much later. Every time when the people have festival or celebration he would be asked to play the instrument. The people would dance "they call it kancet", most commonly called 'ngajat'.

History of Tattooing

2011-02-05T20:57:00.000+08:00

History of Tattooing Middle East -Egypt
A little known fact about the Egyptian Culture and Tattooing is that oddly enough that tattoos were worn by only the Egyptian females! Of course in the future, it may be possible that archaeologists may unearth new mummies with proof of tattooed male Egyptian mummies, but to date, the proof states that if you were a woman of Egypt thousands of years ago you and your female counter parts would be the only ones getting tattooed while the males just sat around and watched, perhaps in envy.

An Egyptian mummy known as "Amunet" was discovered in Thebes in 1891. Amunet (The Goddess of Love) was later to be found to be the remains of "The Priestess of Hathor, her time dates back to approximately 2200BC. Decorated with diamond shaped and elliptical dot patterns, groups of linear markings decorating her arms and thighs and a fairly large pattern with a mixture of dots and smaller lines resting below her navel area, this High Priestess and as well "dancer" may have been an inspiration to other dancers and performers of her area. Many other mummies were discovered to have basic renditions of the Goddess Amunet, tattooed upon their own bodies, along with similar linear and circular markings. Although there is no known word or glyph associated with tattooing in our current understanding of the Egyptian language, it must have been important to them as it is rumored that the Egyptians played a major role in the spreading the art of tattooing throughout the area and as well onto the world itself during the days of the Great Pyramid build. Many local and non local laborers and various artisans were traveling to Egypt to take their respective places in the audacious task of building the Pyramids.

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Punan

2011-01-02T23:59:00.000+08:00

Punan Bah or Punanis an ethnic group found in Sarawak, Malaysia. They are distinct, unrelated to the Penan and also the other so called Punan found in Kalimantan the Indonesian part of Borneo. Their name stems from two rivers along the banks of which they have been living time immemorial. They do have other names - Mikuang Bungulan or Mikuang and Aveang Buan. But these terms are only used ritually these days.
The Punan (or Punan Bah) have never been nomad. In the old days they base their living on a mixed economy. Swidden agriculture with hill paddy as the main crop, supplemented by a range of tropical plants which include maniok, taro, sugar cane, tobacco, etc. Hunting especially wild boar, fishing, and gathering of forest resources are the other important factors in their economy.
However, in the late 1980s many Punan, notably the younger, more educated, gradually migrating to urban areas such as Bintulu, Sibu, Kuching and Kuala Lumpur in search of better living. However, they didn't abandon their longhouses altogether. Many would still return home - especially during major festivities such as Harvest Festival / or Bungan festival as it is known among Punan.
Punan is a stratified society of 'laja' (aristocrats), 'panyen' (commoners), and 'lipen' (slaves). This is a fact determine their historical traditions that have been preserved. Just like most of the history of European Middle Ages is linked to and mainly concerned the various ruling monarchs, so are the historical and mythical traditions of Punan closely connected to their rulings aristocrats.

Iban Agressive Expansion(part 4)

2010-12-29T11:23:00.001+08:00

by Stephanie Morgan

This glance at relatively recent history has brought out some of the main characteristics of Iban migration. It was in most cases rapid; aggressive; persistent; and successful. It also seems to have been so basic to the Iban outlook on life that there are few cultural and technological traits of their society that do not either necessitate a frequent change of site, facilitate it, or (the exact relationships are hard to trace) even derive from it. Culture and the migratory pressures perhaps evolved together; where this happened, what might be the source land of migration, is itself a problem frequently discussed. As recounted in Mr. Sandin’s book, the earliest people to possess a recognizably Iban culture seem to have been inhabitants of the Kapuas basin in West Kalimantan.

(ignore this pic of me...i just have no idea of what pic to put)

Most probably the curious immigrants from overseas, landing at Merudu Hill and Cape Datu, head some of the traditional Iban genealogies because their descendants married Ibans rather than for any Iban identity of their own; indeed, Derom is curiously linked through his offspring not only with Ibans but with peoples as diverse as Bukitans, Melanaus, and Kelabits.7 Through many similarly misty links (such as those shown in the tusut appended to Mr. Sandin’s book) the line of Iban ancestry seems to go back to men, if they were men, living somewhere in the Middle East (some of them near Mecca) who moved, or whose descendants moved, to Sumatra then to Kalimantan, sometimes by way of Brunei. It is not likely that this outline represents any actual mass movement of population (favourite recourse of early theories, like that of Dr. Hose which derived the Ibans from fighters imported from Sumatra by Malay pirate nobles); but it may be symbolic of the drift of some of the cultural traits which apparently diffused into the Kapuas area, there to be woven by a people of unknown origin into their own style of life, whose shape we can only guess at, with explosive results. The historical processes surrounding the evolution of the Iban ethnic identity can only be viewed through a prism of myth; the commitment to expansion which permeates traditional Iban culture, however much of it may be the result of what it might be used to explain, is far easier to investigate.

...to be continued

*source Tansang Kenyalang GN Mawar

Rentap the movie

2010-12-23T02:21:00.000+08:00

There is news about making a movie about Rentap.

Will it be as good as Apocalypto or Braveheart?

Looking forward to it!

Iban Agressive Expansion (part 3)

2010-12-23T01:37:00.000+08:00

By Stephanie Morgan

The more traditional, more lasting process of aggressive expansion up into the Rejang and Balleh was rather curiously accelerated by the Brooke regime, whose avowed interest was to keep the Ibans close at hand. Migration was under way well before the English, intending to control the pirate raids, built their forts in the Iban rivers; but the resulting official divisions into downriver and upriver groups gave a new impetus to population movements. As some Iban groups had co-operated for mutual benefit with Malays, so the same groups came to co-operate with the English. “Only Dayaks can attack Dayaks to make them feel in any way a punishment” said the Rajah Charles Brooke, and he made great use of Iban levies, conveniently costless: they came gladly, arranging if possible attacks on their own enemies, or taking advantage of the government’s.

The great Kayan expedition of 1863, while it thoroughly revenged the murder of Fox and Steele, in the process so completely broke the power of this other expansionist group that they never again resisted Iban migration into the Rejang.5 This went so far that some non-Iban interior tribes concluded that invading Ibans were always working for the Government. The rebellious pioneers took heads and raided; and after them came the equally deadly allies with official blessing, taking heads and burning longhouses, punishing them in the way most familiar to both. The inevitable result was that the upriver and downriver Ibans retained and practiced their ideology of aggression; and those upriver, who had most opportunity to migrate away and were most often raided to punish them for trying to do so, migrated even farther to be out of reach.

Both these aspects of Iban expansion and aggression in the nineteenth century – piracy, and movement to the north and east – were affected by outside pressures that suggested their form and direction; but it seems clear that neither Malays nor English had any real control over the wellsprings, the pace or the ultimate expression of Iban activity. The rare efforts to counteract this cultural drive (as with settlement in the Balleh) met with no more permanent success than did, in the long run, attempts to direct the urge for the formal rulers’ benefit. It is clear that in the matter of aggressive expansion Iban culture, while superficially highly adaptable, had a fundamental resistance to being changed.

*to be continues...

Source= Tangsang Kenyalang

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2010-12-21T18:06:00.001+08:00

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Iban Aggressive Expansion (part 2)

2010-12-18T15:20:00.000+08:00

By STEPHANIE MORGAN

Recent expansion:
The main expressions of the second surge of restlessness were migration to the Rejang, which continued an old trend partly under new impulsion; “intertribal warfare”, which may be seen as a natural outgrowth of the local territorial rivalries of periods I and II, extended farther by more settled and regionally consolidated populations; and piracy, which shaded off from the above intra-Iban conflicts, through attacks on mixed and weaker groups, to predatory sea-raiding on non-Ibans far down the coast of Kalimantan. On this vast scale of numbers involved and distances covered, raiding was something quite new; it seemed to be a sparking-over of the resurgent aggressive drive, an expansion not at all connected with ecology. Land was available to the north and east; the pirates went southwest for heads. The Europeans, who could understand taking a head as souvenir of a warrior’s valour, found the emphasis on simple quantity a wanton exacerbation, and blamed as instigators the Malays – with whom the Ibans, as their population continued to expand, had come into closer contact along the coast.3
Undoubtedly the Malays did encourage Iban warfare, among Ibans themselves (Indra Lela) and against Malay-ruled peoples who evaded contribution. They sanctioned raids in return for a share of the plunder, and at times joined with the Ibans, dividing work and spoils in a manner which showed that the value systems of the two cultures were conveniently complementary: “Their pilots are Malays, who always show the way; the spoil is the property of the pilots, the women and children and skulls are the property of the Dayaks.”4 Each group in fact made use of the other, for the Ibans were strong enough to resist being manipulated against their will, and had, moreover, the ever-present option of migration. (It was evident then, and still more so under the Brookes, that what the Ibans considered political oppression was as much of an impetus as the desire to avoid a feud.) The techniques of piracy may have been learned under Malay guidance, though at this time or earlier some Ibans were serving apprenticeship on Illanun pirate ships while others, such as Unggang (Lebor Menoa), adopted their methods and fought against them; but the uses to which the techniques were put were purely Iban, and often Malays themselves were their victims. The indiscriminate emphasis on a quantity of heads, as far as it existed, may well have grown from the novelty of the entire situation. These raids were not in the traditional context of inter-group hostility, and would usually not be reciprocated; the most dangerous part of a raid on land was getting away, but these shore-dwellers, if they had boats large enough to give chase, would rarely be left with either the men or the daring to do so.
The nomadic groups that the Ibans had attacked before were few in number, but their defeat freed vast areas of good land, Here the raiders made no settlement (for which, according to Mr. Sandin, they were criticized by more migration-minded leaders); unable to gain prestige by working his well-earned forests, the raider made up the lack in heads alone. Each warrior owed the first bead or captive that he took to his war leader, which meant that he must take several to get some of his own; and as more heads were taken, the prestige value of small numbers fell, evidently creating an inflationary spiral to be stopped only by force.

source= Tansang Kenyalang

Iban Aggressive Expansion: Some Background Factors

2010-12-15T04:00:00.001+08:00

By,
STEPHANIE MORGAN

Mr. Benedict Sandin’s recently published book, The Sea Dayaks of Borneo before White Rajah Rule, has no doubt become familiar to all interested in the people and traditions of Borneo. Here, for the first time, a highly educated and scholarly Iban writes with authority on his own people, and therefore with an understanding which a Westerner, even after years of field study, could rarely hope to approach. Familiar from childhood with the traditions of the Iban past, Mr. Sandin has drawn the skeletal structure of his study from the orally transmitted genealogies, tusut, of which thirty-two are appended to his text. The tales associated with these remembered ancestors illustrate his main theme, the westward migrations of the Iban people from Indonesian Borneo to the Second Division of Sarawak, and west again and north, during approximately the past fifteen generations. The material so vividly presented here is enough to feed theory for many years to come, and another book dealing with earlier and more recent periods is underway. The present short paper draws on aspects of Mr. Sandin’s material as well as other sources in an attempt to explore certain generalities, which underlie his narrative, and some of the points, which, because of their speculative nature, fall outside the scope of his book. In dealing with this complex range of material, I have drawn upon suggestions given by Dr. Robert Pringle and Dr. George Appell. The impetus and advice provided by Mr. Tom Harrisson, for whose seminar on Malaysia at Cornell University the body of this paper was originally written, have been invaluable; and Mr. Sandin himself has contributed the benefit of his experience in essential explanation.

The process of Iban migration, as Mr. Sandin’s material makes very clear, was far from orderly or organized either in space or in time. Its patterns were shaped by chance, by a network of individual decisions. A man such as Punoh* would quarrel with a neighbour, and move out to avoid the consequences; another, like Tindin, would make a friend in new rich land; another would hastily migrate, as Kaya did, to prevent relatives or strangers from getting to new territory before him. In the days when local conflict spread and hardened into “inter-tribal” hostility, the whole river populations might be driven out, even long-settled ones like the Undups. But the basic force of most directed migration was the desire for fertile land, which led to prestige and prosperity; and this meant, in these areas of thin and basically infertile soil, the old jungle living richly on itself. Those who felled it first owned the land forever, or as long as they wanted it: but as long as the forest seemed inexhaustible, farther pioneering was more attractive, symbolically and practically, than close-knit, rotated exploitation. So untouched land might be left ignored and once-settled areas deserted, till claims had lapsed so long that no one of a later immigration could tell who had first felled the forest they were clearing once again.(1) Specially erratic, migrations also moved at varying paces, according to the strength of the migrants’ motivation and the quality of the land. If nothing compelled them and the land was good, a group (probably several related families) would move gradually up from the mouth of a tributary, clearing its side spurs from valley to crest, as far as the headwaters: then away to a neighboring tributary, perhaps to return ten or twenty years later, or not at all. The Tuan Muda judged their average progress as four or five days’ journey every one or two years.2

(*The particulars of his story, and those of other men mentioned, may be found in Sea Dayaks of Borneo: page references are given with the names, in the first Index following this paper.)

The conscious motivations of migration, however, need not be the only reasons for the existence and persistence of this cultural option; nor do they explain why it became such a powerful and cherished part of Iban values, nor why its impulse seemed to be stronger before 1700 and after the early 1800′s (periods I and III of Mr. Sandin’s book) than in the relatively sessile interim. The first period, out of range of written history, is the more problematical; in the more recent, Iban movements were affected by outside influences, novel and shallow compared to the cultural drives which often they invoked (and then found most difficult to repress). But this very lack of depth may make their effect on the Iban easier to trace; and the more recent, documented Iban may be a convenient introduction to the Iban of the farther past, which is in large part an extrapolation.

*to be continued

source= Tansang Kenyalang

Myth and History – Early Migrations and the Origins of Iban Culture

2010-11-30T10:00:00.001+08:00

In ancient times, when the island of Borneo was still only sparsely inhabited, those who dwelled there lived in fear of many kinds of demons, dwarfs and spirits. These beings might either look after men or else punish them with death if they broke taboos.

As spirits (antu) were everywhere, men had to be very careful in what they said and did. They could not speak arrogantly when they fished the river or hunted the forests. If they did so, boasting that they could easily obtained fish or game, their efforts would come to nothing. Similarly, an individual was strictly forbidden to mock other living things; if he did so, the spirit would destroy him with kudi, a violent supernatural storm in which a culprit and all his belongings were turned to stone (batu kudi). Houses and human beings believed to have been petrified in the past can still be seen in many places in Sarawak.

Migration from Kapuas River mouth upriver: Where the Ibans meet the Arab Traders.

In these very early times, because of the presence of spirits all around them, settlers in Borneo frequently discussed the nature and dwelling place of the gods and spirits, to find the best way to worship and pay respect to them. The Muslim missionaries had already started to arrive to trade and spread their Islamic teachings to this part of the country. They had already established their foothold in the islands of Sumatra and Java and gradually weakened the Hindu Majapahit Empire. It was at about this time, at a place called Ketapang in Northwest Kalimantan, there lived a very famous Iban ancestor named Bejie. The Muslim missionaries had frequently spoken of the almighty god named Allah whose abode is high in the sky. The people began to believe that this god is living above all other deities of this world. On hearing this, Bejie thought of an idea to visit the almighty Allah in the sky to ask god personally about the best way for his people to worship and pay respect to god. He called for a large meeting of his people to discuss the construction of a stairway, on the tallest enchepong tree in the country, to reach heaven. They all agreed to his proposal hoping that they could reach god’s house in heaven.

The ladder was constructed from ironwood (belian) trunk. The base of the ladder was planted at the base of the enchepong tree branches to reach the next branch. Eventually, after some years, the top of the ladder stood above the cloud. As Bejie and his men, all dressed up to visit almighty Allah in the sky, made a final climb to heaven. As they proceed up the ladder, the enchepong tree unfortunately gave way due to the sheer weight of the ironwood ladder. Its root had been rotten and eaten away by termites throughout the construction period. As the ladder collapsed, Bejie and his followers fell headlong to the earth. The ladders landed on various rivers throughout the west-central Borneo. Any ironwood trunk which may be found inside many rivers, are known as “Tangga Bejie”, and it is a taboo to use it to construct any part of the longhouse as it would bring bad omen to the house owner.

Before the construction of the ladder, Bejie had assigned his brother named Bada to lead his people. Bejie had also begot a son named Nisi whose praised name was “Bunga besi enda semaia makai tulang”. Nisi begot a son named Antu Berembayan Bulu Niti Berang who was the father of Telichu, Telichai and Ragam. Ragam was the mother of Manang Jarai (or Manang Tuai – the first Iban shaman).

After the death of Bejie, their people moved to Kayung. There were other Iban along the coast at the time, especially at Trusan Tanjong Bakong and in general around the mouth of Kapuas River. After Bejie’s descendant had settled there for quite sometime, Arab traders arrived in large sailing ship from Jeddah. They do barter trade with the Ibans exchanging clothes and spices for rice and jungle products. This was the first time the Iban had ever seen woven clothes. Before then, they had only lion clothes and skirts made from barks of trees.

As more Arab traders and Muslim missionary came to trade with the Ibans, many Ibans were converted to this new faith. Soon, divisions began to appear among the Iban leaders between those who adopted the Muslim faith and those who still followed traditional beliefs. Those who chose to follow traditional ways of life began to separate themselves and moved up river in large number. Those who were prepared to accept Islamic teachings, stayed at Kayung. They began to call themselves the Malay of Pontianak, Sampit, Kayung, Sukadana and Sambas. In time, they began to marry new Malays who had come to trade in Kalimantan, especially the traders from Minangkabau in Sumatra.

Due to the tolerances of the Iban people, no reported incidents were recorded in their songs with regards to this manner of separation or with Muslims in particular. This tolerance has been the major factor that contributes to the prosperity and harmony of the Iban people living together with other people of different races and religions to this present day. Infact, the Ibans thrive well under this circumstance because they are hardworking people, a tribute found in the pioneering spirits of their ancestors. Only those who were crazy for power and wealth brought major conflict to this country, not the tolerant and resilient Ibans.

The Ibans then moved further up the Kayung until they reached a place called Ulu Landak. After settling there for sometimes, some of them migrated up the Melawi River. After settling along the banks of Melawi River for three generations, their leaders, Raja Ningkan, Sagan-Agan, Bedali and Jugah called for a large meeting to discuss further migrations. They agreed to migrate and separate from their relatives, and they built many large boats with the help of those who wished to remain behind. It is also to be noted that all the material wealth or properties that the Iban people value today is the same as that which was valued by the people of Malawi in the past, especially the old Chinese jars and brasswares.

From Melawi, they separated and moved to the Sintang River where the passed a large areas of farmland. They looked for the owner of the farmland and were told that the farmland owner had moved to Pontianak and that they could farm there that year only as the informer could not guarantee that the owner would not return to reclaim the land. They started to plant padi that year and had a bountiful harvest. After the harvest, they left the area to live at the mouth of Sintang River for one year.

From Nanga Sintang, the Iban went up the Kapuas where they meet other people. They found that not many people had settled along the right bank of the Kapuas River, as majority of them preferred to live along the more fertile land of the left bank. From the main Kapuas River, they went up the Sakayam tributary. From the mouth of this river, all lands on both banks are owned by the Mualang Dayaks. It took them two full days to reach the first Mualang Dayak Longhouse from its mouth. They stayed only a few nights in the Mualang Dayak Longhouse.

In their conversation with the Mualangs, Jugah and Bedali told the Mualangs the story of their movements since they left the Kayung settlement. They told the Mualangs that they had separated from their relatives who had been converted to Muslims by the Arab missionaries to avoid conflict and religious persecution. They told them that they had lived in the Melawi and had migrated down the Sintang River to look for new lands in which to settle. They asked the Mualangs whether they might give them land to live on. The Mualangs told them that although there was still a lot of virgin forest on both banks of the Sakayam, as the Iban had seen, all the land belongs along both banks had been claimed by them from its mouth up to the settlement they had reached.

The Mualang further told the Iban that all the lands above their settlement belonged to the Chengkang Dayaks, and then further up to Balai Kerangan, the land belonged to the Sebaru Dayaks. All land beyond that belonged to the Remun Dayaks.

The Iban told the Mualang that they did not want to migrate further and wished to settle alongside the Mualang there. The Mualang agree only if the Iban agreed to live in the same longhouse with them. The Iban finally agreed to live in the same longhouse with the Mualang. They lived many years with them, and a great number of them intermarried, becoming Mualang.

After the Iban had greatly multiplied; they separated from the Mualang and moved to the Sanggau River. Here they lived much closed to the Bugau Dayaks. After some years of staying there, the moved to Semitau under their chiefs, Raja Ningkan, Jenua, Jugah, Rawing, Jimbun, Sagan-Agan and Jengkuan. All these chiefs were brave men. Due to their bravery and aggressiveness, all other Dayaks were afraid of them.

*source Tansang Kenyalang

The Origin and Traditional values of Iban Cock-fighting

2010-11-25T10:08:00.002+08:00

Cock-fighting is another type of culture or recreation which is commonly shared by the Ibans. Their interest for this culture originated from the game introduced by Raja Machan who held a cock-fighting bout with Ambong Mungan. The later lost the contest to Raja Machan and decided to go to visit the supernatural being in the sky to look for a fighting cock. In the domain of the God in the Sky, he met with a Supreme God called Raja Petara who gave him a fighting cock with the coloration of “Tuntong Lang Ngindang Terbai, Biring Belangking Pipit Kechuai”. Raja Petara told him that the fighting cock would never be defeated in the contest. With this prized possession given by the Supreme God, Ambong Mungan staged another cock-fighting session against Raja Machan. With such divine help, he won the contest.

There is another story of an Iban man named Kendawa, who went to the underworld in search for a good fighting cock with the coloration of “Biring Gerunggang”. In the underworld, he met with Ensing Jara who is a deity who looks after the soul of the dead fighting cock. He is also known as God of Cockfighting. These tales goes to show that cock fighting is a serious affair to the past Iban man who went through great length in search for a good fighting cock. Furthermore, they also imitated the game where their fable hero Keling, his friends and Gods of war, Sengalang Burong and his party held a cock-fighting contest against their arch enemies, Apai Sabit Bekait and demon Nising or Beduru in the sky.

The Iban believed that all the fighting cock that the supernatural being (Petara and Bunsu Antu) used in the cock-fighting contest, turned into human warriors. That is why cock fighting is closely tied to intangible qualities of human nature, their spiritual fulfillment and their religious refinement. It signifies a man’s chivalry while fighting enemies during war expeditions. As human beings became the fighting cocks of the supernatural being, they bore many different types of coloration (bulu manok), which is believed to reflect the personality profile of each warrior. The Iban believes that every warrior is born with his or her own “god given” fate (tuah diberi Petara) and destiny (nasib). These fate and destiny can only be seen and read from the scales of the fighting-cock’s leg and in its coloration. The scale is unique to individual rooster reflecting the unique fate given by god to individual warrior. That is why an Iban warrior is called “manok sabong” (fighting cock), spiritually sharing and possessing similar properties and characteristic. Thus, through these supernatural being, the Iban learn how to recognize the different type of coloration of the fighting cock and choose their preferred colorations that fit their personality when they became true warrior. With this traditional knowledge, the Iban learn how to recognize the quality and profile of each warrior and the natural element that influence them.

An Iban man is only a true warrior after he has slain an enemy in a battle. A true warrior will declare to God his praise name (ensumbar) and his choice of fighting cock coloration with the blood of his first slain enemy on their hand, which they tapped on their knees, elbows, on top of their head (bubun) and at the tip of their tongue. The declaration is also followed by swearing to God to abide by the rules of engagement handed down for generations. Once the fighting cock coloration has been declared with an enemy blood, the same coloration fighting cock must be used to honour the said warrior when he is invited to grace any major festival of the Iban people. If he needs to change his praise name later in life, he needs to repeat the same process using a fresh blood of his slain enemy.

The Iban warriors adorn beautiful headgear during major festivals or war expedition. These headgears are decorated with beautiful Angus pheasant feathers to resemble the beauty and grace of a fighting cock. The art of cock fighting teaches them to recognize the vulnerability of individual warriors. This helps the warleader to select individual warriors to perform specific task in a war expedition, which, at times, would include death duel with enemy warriors. That is why cock-fighting is not only a favorite pastime, but it is also a school of thought that teaches chivalrous behavior (courteous and considerate behavior) associated with the spirit of Iban warriors. It also teaches the Iban about the natural behavior, character and instinct of different fighting cock as it’s coloration represented the type of fish, birds, animals and insect living in its natural environment; location of the sun for their active and inactive time, feeding time, playing time, rest time; river tide situation; etc. Cock fighting thus represented the Iban’s religious and personal ideal. It is certainly their unique way of life.

The period when the Ibans normally hold cock-fighting bouts is between the felling season and the time when the burning is approaching. In the past, this was known as the annual cock-fighting Season.

In the past, on the eve of a cock-fighting contest, leaders of the cock-fighting teams would ask two bards to sing renong (folk songs), one after another. The renong that they sang were the ones that were formerly prescribed for war expeditions. They mentioned Keling, Bunga Nuing and party who went on war expeditions against their archenemy, Apai Sabit Bekait. War expeditions are similar to cock-fighting contests. Therefore, whenever the Iban leaders wanted to go on war expeditions, they would ask the bards to sing the renong specifically prescribed for cock-fighting contests, following what Ensing Jara did when he held a cock-fighting bout against Ngerai and Niram from the land of the dead (sebayan). Whenever they sing the renong, mainly for cock-fighting bouts or war expeditions, they must prepare offerings because the supernatural being that used to go on war expeditions or held cock-fighting contests are all mentioned in their songs.

However, to the Ibans who adhere to the old customs, cock fighting does not bring them any harm. It is a traditional sports and if organized professionally, it will be good for the tourism industry which benefits the Dayak people. In the past, the cock-fighting session is the time they exchange views and contemplate various meaningful undertakings with each other. Through their conversation at the cock-fighting arena, a majority of them receive ideas on how to improve their methods of farming, gardening, trading and carrying out activities to raise their community standard of living.

The cunning ones do not indulge themselves too much in gambling and betting during cock-fighting bouts because they remember the advice of their elders on being thrifty. They are aware of the dangers of doing things irresponsibly which will not only reduce their families to destitution but create problems for their children after their deaths.

Nowadays, cocks fighting are being organized occasionally following a major festival, annual gawai Dayak festival and final death rites (ngetas ulit) to mark the end of mourning period. In the headhunting past, death rites was completed with the acquisition of fresh heads. Such practices of blood letting have been replaced with cock-fighting session. This beautiful tradition should be preserved and kept alive in a contemporary Iban society through a better-organized session, proper set of rules and better arena.

(additional*in Iban)

RUKUN SABONG

1. Mimpi rurus – Manah

2. Burong rurus – Manah

3. Bulu manok maioh bunoh – Ngeraup – Siti Bulu

4. Manok manah bintih – Kering sereta Silat

5. Tisik ngemudi ka bulu manok ti manah – Tuah

6. Ngangkat ka manok ngena hari – enggau atur

7. Saa manok enggau chukup – manah intu

8. Taji ka bulih – tajam

Lapan iti Rukun Sabong ti diterang ka datas nya, rukun sabong menang, enda bertuakal agi, tentu menang. Nya baru tau berani masang manok naka pemisi, tau dipasang nerima pasang besai.

Enti kita nyabong enda ngena rukun sabong datas nya, kita semina nyabong enggau buta-tuli, sapeneka ati aja, nyabong betuakal, nyabong nasit, nyabong ngapa, nyabong nadai penemu, nyabong nadai pelajar. Tampak bendar kitai enda nemu nyabong dipeda orang ti bisi ngembuan pelajar nyabong.

Enti udah belajar sereta nemu rukun sabong, nya baru tau nyatup orang nyabong sabarang maia lalu manok ke dibai kita ka gelanggang endang disadang menang. Baka kitai ka ngerja pengawa bukai, kitai mesti bisi petua, isharat enggau rukun awak ka pengawa kitai lurus pejalai. Nadai semua utai nyamai sereta mudah diulih kitai enti enda enggau petua, isharat enggau rukun. Kitai enda tau ngutuk diri empu enti alah kategal salah petua, isharat tauka rukun, laban penyalah nya endang penyalah kitai empu ti enda chukup pelajar tauka penyabar dalam pengawa nyabong.

Besabong ka manok tu baka pengawa kitai mensia ka bentaruh ka nyawa bebuti enggau pangan diri. Sapa alah, nya mati. Nya kabuah kitai enda tau enda betati ka tiap-tiap rukun sabong, enggai ka alah uti enggau pangan diri. Kelia, enti alah uti enggau pangan diri, ngagai ringka ga pemulai sida. Nya alai rukun sabong enda tau enda dipelajar awak ka enda lebu bebuti enggau pangan diri.

NGELALA BULU MANOK

Bansa kitai iban endang udah lama bisi panemu ngelala bulu manok. Ngelala bulu manok tu siti panemu sabong ti nyelai bendar enti dibanding enggau panemu bansa bukai ke sama bekunsi ka uti sabong bakatu. Bulu manok endang dikelala bansa iban nyemaka semua bansa utai ti idup (jelu, burong, ikan, indu utai enggau bansa utai tumboh) baik ka di dalam ai tauka di darat. Lalu pengangkat bulu manok mega ditemu kitai bansa nitih ka ulah, bunyi, gaya, pendiau enggau pemakai utai idup ti sabaka bulu enggau manok nya. Bakanya mega tuah manok ti dipeda kitai ba tuboh enggau ba tisik kaki manok sabong kitai. Tisik enggau tuah manok endang nitih ka pemai enggau gamal utai idup ti sabaka nama enggau bulu sida. Semua ulah enggau pendiau utai idup ti nyemaka enggau bulu manok endang dipelajar ka kitai Iban ngambi ka nemu maia hari sida kering, maia sida makai, maia sida diau, bansa utai di empa sida enggau maia ulah bukai. Semua utai tu endang bisi sangkut-paut enggau maia kitai nyabong manok sereta enggau sapa bulu manok ti disabong kitai nya ninggang pangan diri. Ari tuah enggau bulu manok, orang ke nemu nyabong endang nemu ni bagi manok ke bebintih nya tau dulu datai kaki ba lawan diri.

Bedudok ari pelajar sabong tu anak pungka lelaki Iban kelia endang udah diajar ngelala bulu manok kenyau ari sida iya agi biak. Sida mega diajar ngintu manok sabong ti aroh ati diri empu. Enti sida nyau udah nyadi ka manok sabong orang, sida nemu ngambu bulu manok sabong nyadi ka tanda pemerani sida tauka pengering bulu diri. Pengawa ngambu bulu manok sabong tu dikerja chara besumpah ngena darah munsoh ka udah didengah sida. Bulu manok sabong tu beguna bendar dikena miau enggau niki ka bala Raja Berani enggau Bujang Berani enti sida diambi ngerja pengawa gawai besai kitai bansa. Enti salah bulu manok dikena, pengawa sida tau sabau ngapa laban salah ripih pengawa lalu enda chukup intu. Utai baka tu tau ngemedis ka orang ka bempu pengawa. Nya kabuah ngadu enggau ngintu pengawa ba pengarap bansa kitai Iban pedis bendar enti nadai penemu ti chukup kena ngerja pengawa. Nya alai anak Iban enda tau enda nemu ngelala bulu manok, ukai semina dikena bebuti nyabong aja, tang mega ka penemu kena ngerja pengawa pengarap kitai bansa.

source: THE HOUSE OF SENGALANG BURONG

Rainbow in Pinnacle

2010-11-22T11:01:00.002+08:00

Mulu National Park,Sarawak,Borneo

Iban History

2010-11-21T01:02:00.001+08:00

The origin of the name Iban is a mystery, although many theories exist. During the British colonial era, the Ibans were called Sea Dayaks. Some believe that the word Iban was an ancient original Iban word for people or man. The modern-day Iban word for people or man is mensia, a slightly modified Malay loan word of the same meaning (manusia) of Sanskrit Root.

The Ibans were the original inhabitants of Borneo Island. Like the other Dayak tribes, they were originally farmers, hunters, and gatherers. Not much is known about Iban people before the arrival of the Western expeditions to Asia. Nothing was ever recorded by any voyagers about them.

The Ibans were unfortunately branded for being pioneers of headhunting. Headhunting among the Ibans is believed to have started when the lands occupied by the Ibans became over-populated. In those days, before the arrival of western civilization, intruding on lands belonging to other tribes resulted in death. Confrontation was the only way of survival.

In those days, the way of war was the only way that any Dayak tribe could achieve prosperity and fortune. Dayak warfare was brutal and bloody, to the point of ethnic cleansing. Many extinct tribes, such as the Seru and Bliun, are believed to have been assimilated or wiped out by the Ibans. Tribes like the Bukitan, who were the original inhabitants of Saribas, are believed to have been assimilated or forced northwards as far as Bintulu by the Ibans. The Ukits were also believed to have been nearly wiped out by the Ibans.

The Ibans started moving to areas in what is today's Sarawak around the 15th century. After an initial phase of colonising and settling the river valleys, displacing or absorbing the local tribes, a phase of internecine warfare began. Local leaders were forced to resist the tax collectors of the sultans of Brunei. At the same time, Malay influence was felt, and Iban leaders began to be known by Malay titles such as Datu (Datuk), Nakhoda and Orang Kaya.

In later years, the Iban encountered the Bajau and Illanun, coming in galleys from the Philippines. These were seafaring tribes who came plundering throughout Borneo. However, the Ibans feared no tribe, and fought the Bajaus and Illanuns. One famous Iban legendary figure known as Lebor Menoa from Entanak, near modern-day Betong, fought and successfully defeated the Bajaus and Illanuns. It is likely that the Ibans learned seafaring skills from the Bajau and the Illanun, using these skills to plunder other tribes living in coastal areas, such as the Melanaus and the Selakos. This is evident with the existence of the seldom-used Iban boat with sail, called the bandung. This may also be one of the reasons James Brooke, who arrived in Sarawak around 1838, called the Ibans Sea Dayaks. For more than a century, the Ibans were known as Sea Dayaks to Westerners.

*source www.enotes.com

Pirates of the Saribas

2010-11-20T11:32:00.003+08:00

Who really were the pirates – the Rajah Brooke’s men or the fearsome natives of Saribas and Skrang? History books paint the Brookes as the good guys because they were the government while the other faction was made out to be the bad guys. But could it be that the natives, described as pirates were simply a bunch of patriotic souls trying to free their homeland from the clutches of the whites? Whether the so-called pirates of Skrang and Saribas are really pirates is an issue for historians to determine. The war basically came about because the Brookes were eager to expand their territories and the warriors of Skrang and Saribas were seen as a threat to their ambitions. It is possible that the natives were merely defending their territory against invasion by the Brookes. The fierce battle as a historic moment in the annals of Sarawak because its outcome determined who was in control of the State.
The bloody Battle of Beting Maro between the Rajah’s forces and the so-called pirates took place on July 31, 1849. On July 24 of that year, an expedition led by Rajah James Brooke comprising three steamers, seven men of war and 18 war canoes set sail from Kuching to ambush a fleet of Saribas and Skrang natives. They had heard that the natives had left Saribas two days earlier and headed north. The Rajah’s invading forces were determined to intercept the natives on their return. The British sailors were promised a bounty of 20 pounds for every pirate killed. On the evening of July 31, sentinel boats signaled the return of the natives, who fell into the trap. The ensuing battle lasted about five hours. Both sides shot at each other with guns and rockets. By midnight, everything was over, but a few native leaders managed to escape up the Saribas amidst the confusion. A few days later, the Rajah’s forces in a mopping up operation, burnt and destroyed longhouses and homes of the pirates on the Saribas river.
Acoording to the Rajah’s estimates, 300 “pirates” were killed out of 3,700 at the battle. Five hundred more died later of wounds, either trying to walk home or at the hands of the Rajah’s Iban allies. The Admiralty Court in Singapore later concluded that 2,140 “pirates” manning 88 boats took part in the battle of whom 500 were killed. The court awarded 20,700 pounds in bounty – 10,000 pounds for 500 pirates “destroyed” at 20 pounds per head, and 2,140 pirates “dispersed” at 5 pounds per head.

Augustine Anggat Ganjing: Basic Iban Design

2010-11-19T04:15:00.000+08:00

The Ibans are one of the indigenous tribes of Borneo, one of
the Holy Lands for Tribal Tattoo devotees. If you are into Bor-
neo style tribal tattooing, I can wholeheartedly recommend a
visit to those shores: beautiful place, very nice people, and in
my experience nothing but positive reactions towards heavily
tattooed persons.

Ganjing's book has by many tattoo artists been labelled the
"Bible of Iban (Tattoo) Design". Very likely that this is true:
the subject is not widely written about in the first place.

"Basic Iban Design" does in its introduction recount the story
of how tattooing first arrived on the island of Borneo, but
only a small part of the book is specifically on Iban tattoo de-
signs. Though all the fabric, pottery, etc. patterns are defini-
tely more than just a little helpful in learning to understand
Iban Tattoo design, and one can easily see how they corre-
late to traditional Borneo tattooing; and vice versa.

Without a doubt, "Basic Iban Design" is a must-have for all
of you tribal tattoo aficionados out there.

This is, btw, one of the exclusive tattoo books that I carry.
I have so far not found "Basic Iban Design" anywhere but
in Borneo (not even on Malaysian Mainland; where in many
parts tattoos are usually frowned upon anyways).

Borneoheadhunters Tattoo Studio

2010-11-18T10:29:00.001+08:00

The first tattoo studio in Malaysia that provides world class and professional standard tattooing service, was founded in Kuching Sarawak in 1998. Borneo Headhunters Tattoo and Piercing Studio aims to promote the rich traditional art form of tattooing which has been an integral part of the Iban community for centuries. Tattoos played a very significant role in the lives of Ibans back then. Tattoos connected the living to the spiritual world and they were used to mark men's success in headhunting. For the womenfolk, their prowess in weaving and dancing was rewarded with befitting tattoos. Tattoos also helped ward off evil and disease. Ever since its conception, the studio has achieved many firsts for its founder, Ernesto Kalum. Its list of achievements and awards are listed below.

Achievements
1. Tattooing since 1992(bootleg); then professionally since 1998.
2. Invited to do a guest spot in England for a year in 1998 at one of the top tattoo studios in England.
3. Invited in 1999 to one of the most prestigious tattoo conventions in the world in Lausanne, Switzerland.
4. Organised an International Tattoo Convention in homeground Sarawak for the first time ever in South East Asia in May 2002 - "The 1st International Borneo Tattoo Convention, 1-5th May 2002".
5. Entered into the Sarawak Book of Records.
6. Won two H.R. Giger Awards for the Best Tribal Tattoo Category and Respect to the Culture Award in Lausanne, Switzerland in October 2001.
7. Being featured in National Geographic television as a subject in tattooing culture in the series "Taboo" in February 2003 and other television channels from countries such as Canada, England, France, German, Netherlands, Switzerland and USA.
8. Featured in the French magazine "Illustre" (Titled "Les Tatoueures De Borneo", Issue: No.43, 24th October 2001) and other magazines such as Malaysian Tatler and Tattoo Magazines.
9. Chosen as the tattoo and design advisor for The New Line Cinema film production "Sleeping Dictionary", directed by Guy Jenkins and starring Jessica Alba and Hugh Dancy.
10. Produced and managed Jerry Kamit's album "Semampai Sayau... Flora". On the 27th of March 2004, Jerry was awarded with two Honorable Awards at the Iban Music Awards (AJJAR) for the Most Popular Song and Best Vocal.

Awards
1.
1999 The 3rd Best of the Day during The 5th International Lausanne Tattoo Convention in Lausanne, Switzerland.
2.
1999
Respect Prize during The 5th International Lausanne Tattoo Convention in Lausanne, Switzerland.
3.
2001
Best Tribal 1st Prize during The 1st Annual Massachusetts Tattoo Festival in Boston, Massachusetts, U.S.A.
4.
2001
Best Tribal 2nd Prize during The 1st Annual Massachusetts Tattoo Festival in Boston, Massachusetts, U.S.A.
5.
2002
H.R.Giger Award 1st Prize during The 6th Lausanne International Tattoo Show in Lausanne, Switzerland.
6.
2002
H.R.Giger Award for the Respect to the Culture during The 6th Lausanne International Tattoo Show in Lausanne, Switzerland.
7.
2002
Best Celtic/Tribal 1st Prize during the Northern Ink Exposure in Toronto, Canada.
8.
2002
Best Celtic/Tribal 2nd Prize during the Northern Ink Exposure in Toronto, Canada.
9.
2002
Best Tribal 1st Prize during the Tattoo The Earth in Chicago, Illinois, U.S.A.
10.
2002
Best Tribal 2nd Prize during the Tattoo The Earth in Chicago, Illinois, U.S.A.
11.
2002
Best Tribal 2nd Prize during the Tattoo The Earth in Oakland, California, U.S.A.
12.
2002
Best Tribal 1st Prize during the Atlanta Tattoo Fest in Atlanta, Georgia, U.S.A.
13.
2002
Best Traditional 1st Prize during the Northern Ink Exposure in Toronto, Canada.
14.
2002
Best Traditional 2nd Prize during the Northern Ink Exposure in Toronto, Canada.

Borneoartifact

2010-11-17T23:53:00.001+08:00

About Borneoartifact
Borneoartifact has built over twenty-five years of experience and source of the best discernable selections of Borneo ethnic crafts. Any recommended object you can find in borneoartifact.com is collectible for its special features, exceptional quality, uniqueness, creativity, expressive style, limited production, rarity and objects of rare or extraordinary ritual or sacred purposes. It takes very conscious pursuit with the best sources, to be able to get in touch with these collections.

Our creative design, products and art are represented worldwide through exhibitions for 25 years. Collectibles, artifacts, and important collections plus top quality pieces are strongly represented in various countries throughout the world. Collectors, architects, diplomats, designers, galleries, art professors, businessmen, hoteliers, resort management, consultants, companies, young professionals and inspired home makers as well as boutique fashion houses who have been enthusiasts in the quest had collected borneoartifact`s signature collections. Collecting is a wave as it has always been, and continues to be so because of the value and beauty in such collectibles.

*http://www.borneoartifact.com/

What did the Iban headhunters on Borneo do with their trophies?

2010-10-14T23:09:00.002+08:00

No surprise; they did what the winners of any competition do: took their trophies home and showed them to their wife or mother. And the women on Borneo did just as proud wives and mothers of Olympic gold medalists do—or those of a member of the team that won the FIFA World Cup. As an eyewitness report in The Pagan Tribes of Borneo (1912) explains in the chapter titled “War”:

“In the course of the feasting the women usually take temporary possession of the heads, and perform with them a wild, uncouth dance, waving the heads to and fro, and chanting in imitation of the men’s war-song.”

The “wild, uncouth dancing” and “chanting in imitation of the men’s war-song” may have milder, modern interpretations, but sports champions these days have not been in a life-or-death competition. Also, modern champions and their women do not have a cultural tradition for celebrating victory, as the Iban did.

The Iban women wove a ceremonial, multicolored textile called “pua kumba” that was used for lifecycle events, also for “receipt of an important item to a longhouse”, as one website discreetly explains. The Iban warriors did not fly home and straight into their loved one’s arms with their trophies. For a few days, they camped within earshot and the trophies would be smoked and dried, the hair combed. When they then did return home, it was important that the pua kumba was properly place on the tray held by the woman to receive the trophy (or trophies) so that it/they touched the most potent motif of the pattern.

Iban women are still weaving pua kumba, a warp ikat textile, but it is assumed that they are no longer used to receive captured heads.

Rafflesia

2010-10-10T02:30:00.005+08:00

The largest flower in the world,reaching a diameter of about three feet,Rafflesia is found in forests in the Malaysian states of Sabah and Sarawak. Seven out of fifteen species worldwide of Rafflesia can be found in Malaysia.
Because the Rafflesia flower is located in specific areas, and little is know about its methods for pollination and seed dispersal, it is difficult to find conservation methods. Residents in Malaysia are encouraged to save the flowers on their private property, and are encouraged to charge small entrance fees to see the flower. This little income goes a long way in conserving the flowers. In peninsular Malaysia, flower buds are sold as traditional medicines. These buds are seen as a sign of fertility, and are given to help mothers recover after birth. The over collection of these buds has not helped with conservation efforts, and has drastically reduced the number of Rafflesia in the wild.
All of these factors lead to decreasing numbers of Rafflesia. Many species of Rafflesia are vulnerable to deforestation and development, and as populations grow, Rafflesia becomes more threatened.
In Sarawak,Rafflesia can be found in Gunung Gading in Lundu,not far from Kuching,the capital city of Sarawak.
In Sabah, the flower and host vine Tetrastigma are protected under the state's Wildlife Conservation Enactment of 1997. In 2002, 44 of 83 Rafflesia found in the area were outside of designated conservation places. The beginning stages of conservation call for finding, monitoring and protecting the flowers that appear. Conservationists are hoping that complete habitat protection will come, but there is no sign of complete habitat protection in the near future.

Traditional Iban food

2010-09-15T02:38:00.000+08:00

The Iban tribe are from Sarawak, Borneo. Their traditional foods are called Pansuh food, which simply means the cooking of food or dish in a bamboo stem. It's naturally clean, easy and simple. The food (meat, chicken, fish, vegetables and even rice together with the spices) will all be put together into the bamboo stem, then directly placed over an open fire to be cooked. The uniqueness of using the bamboo stem to cook is that the bamboo will give a special aroma and texture to the food where it's impossible to have using other methods such as using woks.

Since they settled in the Malaysian state of Sarawak over 400 years ago, the Iban have made the surrounding rainforest their supermarket and hardware store, tapping the tremendous variety of plants, animals and raw materials for their food, medicines, dwellings and rituals.

Sarawak’s forests and rivers largely influence the lives of the indigenous people, who have a history of being very reliant upon the forest for food and medicines, as well as much of their building materials. Their forebears lived in or at the forest fringe, usually along rivers, fishing, hunting and foraging for food.

Forest ferns have a special place in the diet of the people, with the two most popular ferns used as vegetables being midin and the fiddlehead fern (pucuk paku). Midin grows wild in the secondary forests and is peculiar to the state. It has curly fronds and is very crunchy even after it has been cooked. Rural dwellers have always considered the fern a tasty, nutritious vegetable and the jungle fern’s rise from rural staple to urban gourmet green occurred in the 1980s with the increased urban migration of the Iban. Aromatic leaves from trees, such as the Bungkang, are also used in cooking to flavour food.

The Iban still live by the river and forest fringe, and cook over open fires using implements fashioned from Nature. Commonly found in the forests, the hardy bamboo is an essential cooking utensil. Rice, meat, fish and vegetables are stuffed into bamboo logs and stand in wood fires to cook, the bamboo infusing the food with a fresh aroma.

One of the best known Iban dishes is pansoh manok (ayam pansuh), which features chicken and lemongrass cooked in a bamboo log over an open fire. This natural way of cooking seals in the flavours and produces astonishingly tender chicken with a gravy perfumed with lemongrass and bamboo.

A visit to the longhouse will usually see guests welcomed with a glass of tuak, a home-brewed rice wine. The brew has a sweet fragrance and is highly alcoholic – a small glass is enough to send the unaccustomed to euphoric heights.

The numerous riverine areas of Sarawak provide the state’s inhabitants with abundant fresh water fish, with the Tilapia being the most widely cultivated. There are sago grubs, bamboo clams and temilok (marine worms) to try. The bright yellow, round eggplants and turmeric flowers are also found in Iban foods

headhunting

2010-09-13T02:38:00.000+08:00

The Dayak Cultural Foundation's Ethnic Orchestra.

2010-09-11T12:28:00.002+08:00

Some Notes on the Traditional Dances of Sarawak, Sarawak Museum Journal 34-35 (New Series), p. 163-201.
COPYRIGHT 2001 Borneo Research Council, Inc
No portion of this article can be reproduced without the express written permission from the copyright holder.
Copyright 2001, Gale Group. All rights reserved. Gale Group is a Thomson Corporation Company.

In November 1999, when I first came to Sarawak, I found that the three officially recognized Dayak communities: Bidayuh, Iban, and Orang Ulu Orang Ulu ("remote people") is an ethnic designation politically coined to group together roughly 27 very small but ethnically diverse tribal groups in Sarawak, with a population ranging from less than 300 persons to over 25,000 persons. , each had its own cultural organization in the modem state capitol, Kuching. (1) Moreover, in 1992, the three communities joined forces in the Dayak Cultural Foundation with the object "to receive and administer funds for cultural, educational, scientific and charitable purposes, and for public welfare." (2) Since the beginning of 2000, the Dayak Cultural Foundation headquarters have been located in the Tun TUN, measure. A vessel of wine or oil, containing four hogsheads. Jugah Tower, a new high-rise building high-rise building

Multistory building taller than the maximum height people are willing to walk up, thus requiring vertical mechanical transportation. The introduction of safe passenger elevators made practical the erection of buildings more than four or five stories tall. in the business area, which also houses the Tun Jugah Foundation, a non-profit Iban cultural heritage foundation. In accordance with its objectives, the DCF DCF

See: Discounted Cash Flows aims to preserve cultural traditions, and one of the ways it does so is by organizing courses in Dayak dance and music. The set-up of these courses fits within the framework of the three officially recognized Dayak communities, so that each community has an appointed time for weekly instruction and group practice in the Foundation's spacious dance studio and music rooms. Special sets of costumes and musical instruments, selected according to according to
prep.
1. As stated or indicated by; on the authority of: according to historians.

2. In keeping with: according to instructions.

3. what is considered characteristic for each community, are stored and available here. Iban and Bidayuh groups have ensembles of gongs and drums to accompany dances; the Iban have several long barrel drums Barrel drums are a class of membranophone, or drum, characterized by a barrel-shape with a bulge in the middle. They are often one-headed and open at the bottom. Examples include the Vietnamese trong chau and the bendre of the Mossi of Burkina Faso. (gendang) (3) and a gong gong, percussion instrument consisting of a disk, usually with upturned edges, 3 ft (91 cm) or more in diameter in the modern orchestra, often made of bronze, and struck with a felt- or leather-covered mallet or drumstick. ensemble consisting of a set of eight small bossed gongs resting on strings (engkrumong), deep-rimmed tawak gongs with a prominent boss, and single-bossed gongs suspended by a rope or chain (bebendai/chanang). The Bidayuh have long wooden drums originally used in headhunting headhunting

Practice of removing, displaying, and in some cases preserving human heads. Headhunting arises in some cultures from a belief in the existence of a more or less material soul that resides in the head. rituals (sebbang), a wooden xylophone xylophone (zī`ləfōn) [Gr.,=wood sound], musical instrument having graduated wooden slabs that are struck by the player with small, hard mallets. The slabs are usually arranged like a keyboard, and the range varies from two to four octaves. (gulintang), and a set of suspended gongs of various sizes, large, wide agung and smaller bebendai. The Orang Ulu group mainly uses the plucked pluck
v. plucked, pluck·ing, plucks

v.tr.
1. To remove or detach by grasping and pulling abruptly with the fingers; pick: pluck a flower; pluck feathers from a chicken. lute lute, musical instrument that has a half-pear-shaped body, a fretted neck, and a variable number of strings, which are plucked with the fingers. The long lute, with its neck much longer than its body, seems to have been older than the short lute, existing very early (sape), originally a two-stringed, three-fretted instrument used in rituals associated with healing ceremonies (Langub 1997:177). (4) The present three- or four-stringed, multi-fretted sape is either played as a solo instrument or combined with another sape, and/or a wooden xylophone (tuvung lutang/jatung utog). Other instruments, such as bamboo flutes Flutes made of bamboo are found in many musical traditions.

Some bamboo flutes include:

* Atenteben (Ghana)
* Bansuri (India)
* Dizi (China)
* Daegeum (Korea)
* Dangjeok (Korea)
* Danso (Korea)
* Hocchiku (Japan)
* Jeok (Korea)
* Junggeum (Korea)
*

and the tube-zither (satong), bamboo stamping-poles (tongkat), and mouth organs mouth organ: see harmonica (1.) (keluri/engkrurai), are used by more than one group. (5)

Music and dance practices are usually held separately, in the evening or during the weekend. Students tend to join a music or dance practice group (some study both music and dance) which corresponds with their tribal background--a child of Iban descent will frequently be put into an Iban dance or music group by its parents--indicating that for many students these practices function to support one's tribal identity. Yet, there are people who are keen to learn another style beyond their own, and join different groups. Each of the three main communities has a DCF dance company consisting of young adults who have successfully passed the basic course and must regularly attend practices in order to maintain a repertoire of group dances for public performance.

In accordance with its location in the state capitol, the music and dances practiced at the DCF express group identity at the state level. They remain confined within the framework of one of the three officially recognized Dayak communities and conform to Verb 1. conform to - satisfy a condition or restriction; "Does this paper meet the requirements for the degree?"
fit, meet

coordinate - be co-ordinated; "These activities coordinate well" state-developed standards of beauty and appropriateness. (6) Improvised im·pro·vise
v. im·pro·vised, im·pro·vis·ing, im·pro·vis·es

v.tr.
1. To invent, compose, or perform with little or no preparation.

2. dancing in an individual style, as is common in the longhouse longhouse

Traditional communal dwelling of the Iroquois Indians until the 19th century. The longhouse was a rectangular box built out of poles, with doors at each end and saplings stretched over the top to form the roof, the whole structure being covered with bark. , is replaced by uniform movement in orchestrated or·ches·trate
tr.v. or·ches·trat·ed, or·ches·trat·ing, or·ches·trates
1. To compose or arrange (music) for performance by an orchestra.

2. group compositions in three specific styles, created to express either Iban, Bidayuh, or Orang Ulu identity. Male and female dancers wear different costumes, basically, a selection of what is traditional festive dress in various Dayak communities. In addition, contrasts between the sexes are stressed by giving them characteristic movement patterns. This is most evident when groups of male and female dancers are combined, for which the DCF choreographers This is a list of choreographers A

* Paula Abdul
* Alvin Ailey
* Richard Alston
* Robert Alton
* Gerald Arpino
* Frederick Ashton
* Fred Astaire
* Lea Anderson

B

* Jean Babilée
* George Balanchine
*

faultless·ly adv. execution of--more or less complex--spatial patterns and uniform movement sty les, a period of preparation with group-drill is required, resulting in the smooth execution of previously fixed patterns. However, the DCF policy is in the first place, to preserve traditional culture, therefore dance and music teachers try to maintain whatever they have learned of the traditional arts, which has often been acquired in a longhouse setting. (7)

At the same time, there is also a demand for the production of new, large-scale compositions for important social occasions, the main one being the annual State Gawai Dayak Gawai Day or Gawai Dayak, a festival celebrated in Sarawak on 1 June every year is both a religious and social occasion. The word Gawai means a ritual or festival whereas Dayak celebration. This recently-created Dayak national holiday, (8) celebrated annually on 1st June in a ballroom of one of the largest international hotels in Kuching, is attended by the most important state dignitaries. As an important state ceremony, it provides a major incentive for dance and music practice, as each of the three main Dayak communities must, on that occasion, display a great spectacle in a characteristic style.

Julia Chong and the foundation of the Ethnic Orchestra

One of the few musical experts in Kuching involved both theoretically and practically with the development of Dayak music was the late Datin Julia Chong, a Western-educated musician of Chinese background. (9) In an article published in the Sarawak Museum The Sarawak Museum is the oldest museum in Borneo. It was established in 1888 and opened in 1891 in a purpose-built building in Kuching, Sarawak. Sponsored by Charles Brooke, the second White Rajah of Sarawak, the establishment of the museum was strongly encouraged by Alfred Russel Journal entitled "Towards the integration of Sarawak traditional instruments into 20th century Malaysian music" (J. Chong 1989), she states that the folk music folk music: see folk song. folk music

Music held to be typical of a nation or ethnic group, known to all segments of its society, and preserved usually by oral tradition. Knowledge of the history and development of folk music is largely conjectural. of Sarawak lacks development in material and is too repetitive, so that "listening becomes uninteresting (jargon) uninteresting - 1. Said of a problem that, although nontrivial, can be solved simply by throwing sufficient resources at it.

2. Also said of problems for which a solution would neither advance the state of the art nor be fun to design and code. ."

Taking as an example the Hungarian composer Bela Bartok Noun 1. Bela Bartok - Hungarian composer and pianist who collected Hungarian folk music; in 1940 he moved to the United States (1881-1945)
Bartok , she suggests that Sarawak composers "should attempt to produce musical works for the chamber orchestra Noun 1. chamber orchestra - small orchestra; usually plays classical music
orchestra - a musical organization consisting of a group of instrumentalists including string players and score according to the potentials of the individual traditional instruments." In forming such a chamber orchestra, one has to "group the strings, woodwinds and percussions with care so that they will be balanced."

But Julia Chong was not only interested in modernizing Dayak music, also, as she writes: "the folk music of the natives of Sarawak will be distorted to a certain extent because it is based on oral tradition," and therefore "efforts must be made to notate no·tate
tr.v. no·tat·ed, no·tat·ing, no·tates
To put into notation.

[Back-formation from notation.]

Verb 1. them." Moreover, she advises recording and publishing the technique of playing the different instruments, "so that generations that follow will master them correctly," and, "not only the proper way is learned but it can reach thousands of people" (J. Chong 1989:126).

In the following years, Julia Chong had the opportunity to realize her dream in cooperation with the staff and musicians of the Dayak Cultural Foundation. According to DCF records, the first ensemble of Dayak musical instruments was formed in 1997 for a workshop on Iban traditional music, dance costumes, and songs organized jointly by the DCF and the Sarawak Museum. On this occasion a group of children performed Julia Chong's composition, "The Sound of Sarawak." The musical instruments played were: tawak and bebendai gongs, two sets of engkerumung gongs, seven long drums Long drums are a loose category of tubular membranophones, characterized by their extreme length. They are most common in Africa and in Native American traditions. Long drums can be made out of entire tree trunks. Reference

* 534m Membranophones. SIL.

(gendang panjai/ketebung), and nine mouth-organs (engkerurai), plus eight stamping-poles (tongkat gurong). All are considered Iban instruments. (10) After this, Julia Chong continued teaching Dayak orchestral music to staff and students at the DCF.

In November 1999, when I visited the class, I saw a variety of instruments being used: seven mouth-organs (engkrurai), three short-necked lutes (sape), some one- and two-stringed fiddles (serunai or terunjang). Instruction was given in a classroom; the group was instructed from the front, and conducted in a Western manner, with the help of music notation written on the blackboard.

Since its first performance, the Dayak Ethnic Orchestra has developed from a small chamber ensemble into a large orchestra in which mature, as well as young musicians play a variety of instruments. Thus, the ethnic orchestra depicted in Julia Chong's publication on traditional musical instruments of Sarawak includes, besides an Iban ensemble, a number of different instruments from the three main Dayak communities: four Bidayuh hanging gongs and a long wooden drum (sebbang), a cylindrical drum Cylindrical drums are a category of drum instruments that include a wide range of implementations, including the bass drum and the Iranian dohol. Cylindrical drums are generally two-headed and straight-sided, and sometimes use a buzzing, percussive string. (dumbak), bamboo flutes and tube-zither (satong), stamping-poles (tongkat), as well as wooden shakers Shakers, popular name for members of the United Society of Believers in Christ's Second Appearing, also called the Millennial Church. Members of the movement, who received their name from the trembling produced by religious emotion, were also known as Alethians. (gurong).

As I took a keen interest in this unique orchestra, I was invited by Julia Chong to cooperate with her in preparing a concert for the official launching of the Dayak Cultural Foundation's Ethnic Orchestra. The concert was offered by the DCF on 13 July to the participants in the Sixth Biennial biennial, plant requiring two years to complete its life cycle, as distinguished from an annual or a perennial. In the first year a biennial usually produces a rosette of leaves (e.g., the cabbage) and a fleshy root, which acts as a food reserve over the winter. Conference of the Borneo Research Council. For Julia Chong and the artists, this was a fine opportunity to present the Dayak orchestra to an international audience.

In consultation with the directors of the DCF, a concert of fifty minutes was agreed upon Adj. 1. agreed upon - constituted or contracted by stipulation or agreement; "stipulatory obligations"
stipulatory

noncontroversial, uncontroversial - not likely to arouse controversy , comprising compositions based on traditional music of the various Dayak communities. The concert program, entitled "Sounds of Borneo," consisted of the following four pieces:

1. The Sound of Sarawak--for full orchestra,

2. Prunchong--for bamboo instrumental group,

3. Jungle Sounds of Borneo--for ensemble of bird-whistles, and

4. Liling merry-making--for full orchestra.

The pieces differed in composition and structure: in the first and fourth pieces, instruments of the three main communities were combined to form a large orchestra of drums and gongs, with strings as well as woodwind instruments woodwind instrument: see wind instrument. woodwind instrument

Any musical wind instrument that produces sound by either directing a stream of air against the edge of a hole or by making a reed or a double reed vibrate (see reed instrument). . They played in novel arrangements created by Julia Chong, in cooperation with the DCF artists and the author of this article, who was responsible for the choreographic arrangements.

The Sound of Sarawak

As there was not much time for preparation, we started working on musical pieces which had been practiced before. The ensemble of the piece, The Sound of Sarawak, originally consisted of Iban instruments, but was extended with Bidayuh gulintang, drums and gongs. The revised structure of the score (11) was divided into three parts: the first part had predominantly loud percussion instruments This is a list of percussion instruments. Tuned percussion

* antique cymbals
* celesta
* chimes (a.k.a. tubular bells)
* clavinet
* crotales
* Gong
* glass harmonica
* hammered dulcimer
* handbells
* lithophone
* marimba
* marimbaphone
*

and gongs, entering one-by-one first, then merging into an ensemble. The softer second part had a group of four mouth-organs (engkerurai), followed by a solo on the one-stringed fiddle (serunai). A group of five men with bamboo stamping-poles (tongkat) made the connection to the third part or finale in which all the instruments played together.

While the basic rhythms and playing styles of the various instruments were maintained, initially much time was spent working on elements such as phrasing, dynamics and tone production. (12) Predictable problems arose when instruments were combined which did not usually play together, such as mouth-organs, wooden xylophone, drums and gongs. Mouth-organs were especially problematic, as these are basically solo-instruments and are not tuned to play with other instruments. Moreover, changes in dynamics, to which most musicians were not accustomed, such as variations in loudness, and speeding up or slowing down the tempo, were difficult to coordinate. While the musical pieces were taking shape, Julia Chong requested me to make them more interesting by adding choreographies, corresponding to traditional performance practices in which dancing is supported by music.

Since I intended the choreography to mirror the structure of the music and to parallel the combination of instruments in the orchestra, traditional choreographic patterns were maintained. The character of the piece was dominated by the strong sound of gong and drum ensembles, not surprising since it originated from a composition for strong Iban instruments. Therefore I selected three male dancers, one from each of the three communities, who should use their own warrior's dance style in a danced combat scene. The confrontation, situated in the jungle, was dissolved through the entrance of a magnificent Iban masked dancer representing the spirit "Antu Guruk." This enchanting en·chant·ing
adj.
Having the power to enchant; charming: enchanting music.

en·chanting·ly adv. mask pacified the warriors and conducted them into a harmonious line-dance, similar to a group of bards marching around and beating rhythms with their stamping-poles.

Liling-merry making

The second large orchestral composition, Liling-merry making, was based on a popular long-dance song (belian dadu) from the Kenyah community, Liling, "to turn around," documented in a publication of Kenyah songs by the composer's daughter (Chong Pek Lin 1998). In a study of vocal performance traditions of the Kenyah Lepo' Tau people of Sarawak, Gorlinski explained that "the word dadu (long) refers to "the particular dance context (tu'ut dadu) for which these songs were intended" (Gorlinski 1995: 226). In the longhouse this type of song is sung by the whole community while performing a simple line-dance proceeding counter-clockwise along the verandah, usually as an opening for a major dance event. The basic step of tu'ut dadu, which is characterized by Chong Pek Lin as "the simplest version of the group dances," consists of a step and a shuffle (Chong Pek Lin 1998:23). The song is started by a solo singer, with the other participants joining in on the second or third lines and in the chorus. The turning of the dancers may have connotations of wardancing (Chong Pek Lin 1998:39-41). (13)

The orchestral piece had a strong rhythmic opening played on a set of Bidayuh sebbang that were struck with wooden rods. While these large drums had to remain in a fixed place, the next group of musicians came marching in Marching In is a science fiction short story by Isaac Asimov. The story was written at the request of the US publication 'High Fidelity', with the stipulation that it be 2,500 words long, set twenty-five years in the future and deal with an aspect of sound recording. from the side: beating in unison on their Iban gendang, they stepped in a circle around the dance floor before they came to a halt in front of the platform. As the melodic theme was gently introduced by the two sape players, supported by soft drum beats A drum beat, a beat on a drum, is any single strike on a single drum, drum machine, or a series of beats on various percussion instruments creating a rhythmic or metric pattern. Many drum beats define or are characteristic of specific music genres. , a group of dancers made their first entrance and danced one round. The dance was followed by alternating instrumental groups and solo-parts. In line with the character of the long-dance song, a group of four musicians playing the mouth-organs came in, walking in a circle.

For the conclusion of the piece, all musicians played together, led by the expert sape musician, Henry Anyie, who also sang the solo-lines of the well-known Kenyah lyric:

alam ini telu tuyang pemung jaiee,
Pemung jaiee tawai uyan.
Tonight, my friends, we gather together,
We gather together and recall the old times (Chong Pek Lin 1998:40).

The traditional line dance was performed by a mixed group of dancers from all three communities led by a beautiful young Orang Ulu dancer. While joining in the chorus lines, the dancers performed the traditional long-dance step with the turning variations, accompanied by the full orchestra. (14)

Prunchong and Jungle Sounds of Borneo

In alternation alternation /al·ter·na·tion/ (awl?ter-na´shun) the regular succession of two opposing or different events in turn.
alternation of generations metagenesis. with the orchestral compositions for percussion, wind and string instruments This is a list of string instruments categorized according to the technique used to produce sound, followed by a list of string instruments grouped by country or region of origin. , two pieces were performed by a small ensemble using mainly one type of instrument. The traditional Bidayuh prunchong, a set of tuned bamboo tubes hit with a rod, was played by a group of eight male musicians moving around in the semcircular dance space while striking various traditional rhythms. According to the Bidayuh musicians, this type of music was mainly performed during agricultural ceremonies.

Jungle Sounds was a completely new creation, played on various types of bird whistles (binchiu) imitating bird calls. These were combined with sets of snail shells (Zool.) the shell of snail.

See also: Snail (tegalerg) imitating the sound of croaking frogs, as well as coconut shells and wood-shakers (gurong). The idea behind the piece was the waking up of the animals in the forest, heralded by various birds and developing into midday concerts of frogs and other animals, then fading into a sunset scene with the sweet sound of the sape played by a young man wandering alone in the forest. The idea for this piece came from the Bidayuh musician Gerald Oscar Sindon who made most of the instruments, helped by the Iban instructor, Ubang Kendawang. A number of mature artists, including Julia Chong and the author, cooperated in creating this new piece. As all insisted that I should also participate in the performance, I gladly accepted a part in the happy croaking of the frogs.

On Thursday, 13th July, the period of hard and intensive training culminated in a spirited performance at the Poolside pool·side
n.
The area next to or around a swimming pool. Reception Area of the Holiday Inn Hotel for the members of the Borneo 2000 Conference. Special guests included Tan Sri Datuk Amar Dr. Alfred Jabu anak Numpang and Datuk Amar Dr. Leonard Linggi Jugab and the Board of Trustees board of trustees Politics The posse of thugs who oversee an institution's administration. See Board of directors.
..... Click the link for more information. of the Dayak Cultural Foundation. The artists, a group of approximately thirty musicians and dancers, received warm applause from the audience, many of whom joined in the round dance of Liling. Local newspapers reported the event, and performers and members of the audience asked for more such concerts in the future.

Conclusion

The Dayak Cultural Foundations Ethnic Orchestra provides an excellent example of "modernization" in the sense of incorporating Western influence into originally Dayak music and dance. Some people may feel that this leads to "hybridity" in these Dayak art forms, or perhaps the term "syncretism syn·cre·tism
n.
1. Reconciliation or fusion of differing systems of belief, as in philosophy or religion, especially when success is partial or the result is heterogeneous.

2. " might be appropriate, in view of underlying religious implications. (15) To the author, it was an exciting experience to participate in creating the various musical items and choreographies. Although the novel combination of different tribal traditions did not seem to work in the beginning, after ten days of intensive rehearsals, the performance turned out very satisfactory and inspiring, not only to the performers, but also to an international audience.

The successful launching of the DCF Ethnic Orchestra proves that live performances of Dayak music and dance can play a significant social role, not only by adhering to well-known patterns, but also in creating new forms. Indeed, changes of form, structure, and content are only to be expected in a changing environment. Moreover, one should realize that live performances in longhouses are not necessarily static entities but variable events, capable of adapting to different circumstances, both in the present and the past. Accordingly, they often fit into more than one type of context, having entertainment value and also functioning to maintain social values or to support religious ceremonies. As these art forms are by nature flexible and adaptive, there is no need to fear their imminent disappearance.

(1.) My visits to Sarawak in November 1999 and May-August 2000 were kindly sponsored by Datuk Amar Dr. Linggi Jugah, Director of the Tun Jugah Foundation, and the Dayak Cultural Foundation in Kuching.

(2.) The Memorandum and Articles of Association, 30 December 1992, also states that it aims "to foster, develop and improve culture and education of all kinds."

(3.) There is some variation in musical and dance terminology. Names of instruments in this article are in accordance with the terms used in J. Chong's "Traditional Musical Instruments of Sarawak."

(4.) Matusky mentions that "the Kajang also use the sape in pairs, played only by men, to provide music to accompany dance and for certain shamanistic sha·man·ism
n.
1. The animistic religion of certain peoples of northern Asia in which mediation between the visible and spirit worlds is effected by shamans.

2. rituals" (Matusky 1986:189).

(5.) Patricia Matusky kindly explained that "the Iban engkerurai usually has quite long pipes, while the pipes on the keluri/keledi are shorter overall. The gourds are often similar in size and the number of pipes is the same among these. Because of the longer pipes, the Iban engkerurai will have a lower overall range. Also, the Iban instrument usually has an amplifier of sound (terubong) on top of the lowest pipe, which is usually decorated with bird feathers" (email communication).

(6.) It is, for example, considered inappropriate for male dancers at DCF public performances to leave part of the buttocks buttocks /but·tocks/ (but´oks) the two fleshy prominences formed by the gluteal muscles on the lower part of the back. uncovered, as is usually the case when wearing the loincloth loin·cloth
n.
A strip of cloth worn around the loins.

loincloth
Noun

a piece of cloth covering only the loins

Noun 1. in the traditional way.

(7.) Interview with DCF staff members, November 1999.

(8.) Spearheaded by Datuk Tra Zehnder, a former Iban Assemblywoman, see Boulanger 2000:50.

(9.) Sadly, the news of Julia Chong's sudden demise arrived shortly before the draft of this article was ready to be sent to her (see the Memorial section of this volume).

(10.) The use of the stamping-poles in Kajan communities during the ancient ngayau ceremony was described by Matusky in an article with musical notations musical notation, symbols used to make a written record of musical sounds.

Two different systems of letters were used to write down the instrumental and the vocal music of ancient Greece. In his five textbooks on music theory Boethius (c.A.D. 470–A.D. (Matusky 1986:193, 217-18).

(11.) The piece was based on a written score in accordance with the composer's concept that "the material should have local flavor based on traditional scale and rhythm" (...) "but the composed music should have correct forms" (Chong 1989:126).

(12.) The importance of these is emphasized in Julia Chong 1989:126.

(13.) Chong Pek Lin's publication on Kenyah songs cites a comment of Bishop Galvin (1962:510) that "the reference to turning around is symbolic of the young warrior looking to the right and left in search of the enemy" (Chong Pek Lin 1998:40). See also Seeler 1969:169: "each performer turned half about at every third step, the even numbers turning to one side, the odd numbers turning to the other alternately. All stamped together as they completed their turns at each third step. The turning to right and left symbolises the alert guarding of the heads which are supposed to be carried by the victorious warriors."

(14.) As described in Chong Pek Lin 1998:41

(15.) In her article on traditional dances of Sarawak, Seeler does make a distinction between dances which are part of a religious ceremony, and social dancing, but this is immediately modified to: "in these cultures the religious is usually intermingled with the social, and the dances reflect this" (Seeler 1969:163).

References

Boulanger, C. L.

2000

"On Dayak, Orang Ulu, Bidayuh and other Imperfect Ethnic catagories in Sarawak," Proceedings of the Sixth Biennial Borneo Research Council Conference, ed. Michael Leigh Michael Leigh is an artist, based in Cheshire, England and working mainly in the area of mail art. As well as working in his own name, he has produced work since 1980 as A1 Waste Paper Co. , pp. 44-66, Kota Samarahan: Universiti Malaysia Sarawak Universiti Malaysia Sarawak (UNIMAS) was officially incorporated on 24 December 1992. UNIMAS is the eighth University, established just after the declaration of Vision 2020.
..... Click the link for more information..

Chong, J.

1989

Towards the Integration of Sarawak Traditional Instruments into 20th Century Malaysian Music, Sarawak Museum Journal 61:125-130.

2000

Traditional Musical Instruments of Sarawak. Kuching: Jabatan Muzium Sarawak.

Chong, Pek Lin

1998

Folk Songs folk song, music of anonymous composition, transmitted orally. The theory that folk songs were originally group compositions has been modified in recent studies. of Sarawak. Vol. 1, Songs from the Kenyah Community. Kuching: Dayak Cultural Foundation.

Gorlinski, V. K.

1995

Songs of honor, words of respect: Social contours of Kenyah Lepo' Tau versification versification, principles of metrical practice in poetry. In different literatures poetic form is achieved in various ways; usually, however, a definite and predictable pattern is evident in the language. , Sarawak, Malaysia. PhD dissertation at the University of Wisconsin-Madison “University of Wisconsin” redirects here. For other uses, see University of Wisconsin (disambiguation).
A public, land-grant institution, UW-Madison offers a wide spectrum of liberal arts studies, professional programs, and student activities. .

Langub, Jayl

1997

Orang Ulu Music and Dance Workshop April 7-8, 1997, Kuching, Borneo Research Bulletin 28:177-184.

Matusky, P.

1986

Aspects of Musical Style among the Kajang, Kayan and Kenyah-Badang of the Upper Rejang River: A Preliminary Survey, Sarawak Museum Journal 57 (New Series), pp. 185-229.

Seeler, J.

1969

THE ETHNIC WAR IN SAMBAS - BORNEO

2010-05-21T01:42:00.000+08:00

The Tragedy of Ambon: what did really happen? - Part 2

FROM:
Br. Peter C. Aman ofm
JPIC Coordinator of the Franciscan Province Indonesia.
Franciscan Province of Indonesia
Jln. Kramat V/10 – Jakarta 10430
Tel. (021) 3909941
Fax. (021) 3101940
E-Mail : kanizo@yahoo.com

THE ETHNIC WAR IN SAMBAS - BORNEO

Tears and blood were not dry yet in Ambon and we were shocked by the new episode of the ethnic war in Sambas, West Borneo (Kalimantan). I say a new episode of the war, because there occurred wars several times between Dayak people and Madura there; the new conflict occurred between Melayu people and Madura people in Sambas. The conflict involved the people of Dayak, Bugis and Chine which were united to support the Melayu people to attack the Madura people.

Personal conflict has become ethnic conflict or war
In its interesting to analyze the conflicts occurred in Indonesia in recent years. The conflict generally started by the personal conflict and quarrel but soon after that it became a racial, religious and ethnic conflict. According to some hypothesis there are some provocateurs who are intelligently provoke and manipulate a little case to become a great conflict, whether ethnic, racial or religious conflicts. Anyhow the conflict in Sambas has its own background. The people in Sambas or in West Borneo are consisted of the Dayak (native people), Melayu, Chinese, Madura, Bugis etc. These people came to West Borneo and live there for economic reasons, to get a better life. For many years there have occurred many conflicts between the Dayak people and Madura people. But the last conflict has become interesting because the Dayak are united with Melayu, Chinese and Bugis to attack Madura. Why?

This ethnic war was caused by personal conflicts. Here is the story: on January 7th 1999 Bujang Labik did not pay bus ticket and it made Rudi, a Melayu, angry. Then Bujang Labik accompanied by his groups attacked Rudi. At the same time Ibrahim a Maduran clashed with some people in Pemangkat Market and soon after that there were found 4 Maduran people died. On January 19th 1999 Madura people killed about 4 Melayu people. On January 23 there was a personal conflict between a Bugis man and Maduran, that is wahy the Bugis people supported Melayu. The Dayak people involved in the conflict because Martinus Amat, a Dayak man, was killed and his car was burnt.

The open war between Madura and the united group (Melayu, Dayak, Bugis and Cina, the Chinese was forced to involve) occurred bertween 16 – 25 of March 1999. The war took place in 13 different places in the County of Sambas, West Borneo. Hundreds died and injured. Thousands refuged and left Sambas to another places or forest around there. The victims and detriment are as following:
The victims:

Dayak

1 died

Melayu

12 died

Bugis

-

Madura

252 died

Chinese

-

Injured

47

Refugees

30.000

The detriments:

Houses

2330 burnt down

164 destroyed

Cars

4. burnt down

6 destroyed

Motorcycles

1 burnt down

9 destroyed

The root of the problems/conflict
I have describe a general background the contemporary problems and conflicts in Indonesia. The problems are rooted in the wrong political, economic and social policies in the era of the regime of Soeharto named Orde Baru. But I think it is important to note that the conflict in Sambas between the Maduran people and Dayak occurred several times in the past. I would like to write down some reasons of the conflicts which are rooted in the cultural misunderstanding or insulting: There are some great cultural differences between Madura and Dayak (and Melayu people). The Madura people always and everywhere bring their traditional gun named: carok. Whereas according to Dayak (culture) people, those who bring gun want to fight. The Maduran people, especially those who entered Borneo in 1980-s, seem arrogant and tend to be criminal. The Maduran people tend to force their own will and threaten the other people to fulfill their will. There are many cases that indicate how the Maduran take over the houses and lands of the inland people. The Dayak people accused the Maduran people neglect the agreement assigned in 1997.

But there are also some economic problems. The Madura people always work hard and they want to carry out whatever jobs if it brings money. Therefore economically they are getting better and sometimes it causes the social jealousy. Many works have been carried out by Maduran people, whereas the Melayu and Dayak people accused that the Maduran people has take over their jobs.

But some analysts say that the conflict of Sambas is a part of a great scenario of some "hidden" important people who want to cause to fail the next general election. They want to crate a national chaos. Some say that the conflicts are the manifestations of the dissatisfaction of Soeharto who was toppled down last year. He want to turn the national attention from the investigation of is corruptions and violations during his power to the racial and religious conflicts. Which is the right one?

The Tragedy of Ambon: what did really happen? - I

2010-05-14T01:54:00.000+08:00

The Tragedy of Ambon: what did really happen? - I

Jakarta, April 2nd 1999.

FROM:
Br. Peter C. Aman ofm
JPIC Coordinator of the Franciscan Province Indonesia.
Franciscan Province of Indonesia
Jln. Kramat V/10 – Jakarta 10430
Tel. (021) 3909941
Fax. (021) 3101940
E-Mail : kanizo@yahoo.com

Introduction
Over these several weeks we have not read the news about the tragedy in Ambon anymore, at least the Indonesian newspapers and magazines do not rapport about the case. Does it mean that the case is over or finished? Is the peace has been obtained by the groups or ethnics which involved in that bloody conflict? It seems to be so. The military intervention has ceased the conflict, many people from Ujung Pandang, Bugis and Buton have left Ambon. The social and economic life has been arising again although it has not yet 100% restored. We hope that the peace will last forever, but the anger, revenge and fear have not yet cancelled out form their hearts. The conflict caused many people died; many buildings and houses burnt down; many people have lost their homes and jobs. Ambon has become a ruin. How we can understand the conflict and its background?

The sin of "Orde Baru" regime under Soeharto
Soeharto reigned Indonesia 32 years and was toppled down 21st May 1998. He built up a strong regime named "orde baru" (New Order/Nuovo Ordine). Hitler and Mussolini used the same name for their regime. Soeharto governed Indonesia as a dictator and was backed up by the military. He created his own legitimation named "pembangunan" (development) and in the name of "pembangunan" he jailed the critical oppositions, censored the press and killed the people who took arms against his regime. Actually Indonesia had three political parties but Soeharto castrated (made them powerless). Golkar, the governing party was only a political machine to defend his power, therefore he was elected seven times as President without difficulties. The power of the state was centered under his control. His family dominated the economy in cooperation with some rich Chinese. Jawa has been very developed island, while the other islands have been exploited.

To build up Indonesia as an integralistic and united stated, he launched the program of transmigration. The people from some populated islands such as Jawa and Bali, moved to other islands to live with the indigenous people there such as Kalimantan, Jaya, Sumatera ans Sulawesi. The program neglected the rights and the culture of the indigenous people in those islands. For the indigenous people the transmigrants are those who come to occupy and take over their lands. They could not protest the program because they could be accused PKI (the member of Indonesian Communist Party) which could be killed or jailed anytime; they could be accused as GPK (Gerakan Pengacau Kemananan = bandits movements against security) which also could be arrested by military. To support the development of economy Soeharto build up market-places throughout Indonesia, named Pasar Inpres. These market-places came along with the people of other island to manage and run the market-places, while the inland people got not too much economic advantages. The market places in Flores, Timor, Maluku and Irian Jaya are dominated by the people from Jawa, Padang (Sumatera, Ujung Pandang (Sulawesi). The economic progress has widened the gap between the strangers (outsiders) and the native people. The industries which are built up in Java has caused the exploitation of the natural resources of other islands. Java is getting richer while the other islands which supply the natural resources for the industries remain poor. Sumatera, Irian and Kalimantan, Sulawesi and some islands in Maluku islands are very exploited. The indigenous people there lose their natural reaousrces (woods, oil, cooper, gold, etc.) while they remain poor. During the regime of Soeharto they cannot express their dissatisfaction, because the regime was very oppressive and spread terror everywhere.

Indonesia is also a multy-religious country. Under the Orde Baru regime there were only five religions acknowledged to present in Indonesia. Those religions are : Islam, Catholic, Protestant, Hindu and Budha. The government kept control over religions and made several laws and constitutions to order the relationship between religions. The inter-religions conflicts have been prevented by those rules and those who used religion for their political goals could be marked fundamentalist and could be confronted by government or military strictly. The prophetical role of the religions in front of injustice, corruption, violence, oppressions, etc was easily marked up as subversive, illegal, disturbing the harmony between religions. The fear and threat were spread among the people. The people were not used to face the religious differences and to discuss the problems. In the meantime the suspicion grew up.

In the years of 1990s, the government (the regime) seemed to lose its domination and power. Soeharto turn to get sympathy from the Muslims. Soeharto and his family visited Mekkah as pilgrims. Then he got a new name, Islamic name Haji Muhammad Soeharto. It was a "spring time" for the relationship between government and the Muslims in Indonesia. In 1990 ICMI (Ikatan Cendekiawan Muslim Indonesia = Indonesian Muslims Intellectual Association) was founded. In a very short time ICMI spread all over Indonesia. Many Muslim got job in bureucracy and important position in military. If in the first decade of his regime Soeharto CSIS (Center of Study for International Strategy) as his think tank, in which many Christians involved. Since 1990s Soeharto has allied with the ICMI and got political supports from them. ICMI has become an influential group on government moreover led by Habibie who is now the President of Indonesia.

In some cases ICMI has rise up the racial problems. ICMI tried to put their members on some important positions in government. Soehartoe’s Cabinet in 1992-1997 is dominated by that group. That policy has excluded those who are not members of ICMI and Christians from the governmental bureucracy. It is important to note the case of Ambon some years ago. The group of ICMI tried to place its member as a Rector of University of Pattimura. The appointment was refused by the majority of the professors there. It has been like "a rule" that the governmental bureucracies are dominated by the Muslims, while the university by the Christians. Therefore the Christians refuted the appointment of the Muslim Rector. Actually, the Muslims and the Christians have lived peacefully for centuries in Ambon or Maluku Islands. Therefore it is not 100% right that the recent conflict is rooted in religious problem. On the contrary, religion has been manipulated to hide the real problem that is the social economic gap and the failure of social assimilation between the native Ambonese and those who came from outsider: the people from Ujung Pandang (Makasar), Bugis and Makasar. Coincidentally, those people are Muslims.

Maybe this description is not so complete and far from being perfect. Anyhow it is the outline of the background of the problem in Indonesia. The fall of Soehartoe’s regime has been a chance for the people to get back their freedom which was shackled during 32 years. Indonesian people have enjoyed an "euphoria" in which they can express whatever they want to express: their frustration, dissatisfaction, the problem which were pressed to the unconscious world before, now are coming up to the surfaces. The racial problems which were marked up as a Taboo during the regime of Soeharto has raised up and threaten the unity and could be the cause of the disintegration of the nation. The conflict in Ambon can happen everywhere or in every part of Indonesia.

The "casus belli" of the conflict in Ambon.
The bloody conflict in Ambon began in January 19th 1999. It was triggered by the so called case: Batu Merah Incident. It was a personal conflict between Yopie (Ambonese) and Usman (Makasar). We have two versions of the case. According to the first version (MUI Facts finding Team and Partai Keadilan): Yopie asked money forcefully from Usman, a taxi driver. Usman refused to give him money and it caused Yopie to be angry with Usman and hit him. Usman fled to Kampung Batu Merah. Then the people from Kampung Batu Merah and Kampung Aboru got into conflict, attacted each other.The second version (PGI – Indonesian Christian Churches Union): the conflict was initiated by the personal conflict between Usman and Yopie. Usman a hold-up man asked money from Yopie and Yopie refused it. Yopie is a city bus driver.

Although these two version are different or contradictory to one another, one thing is right, that there was a personal conflict. The next question is : who blew up this personal conflict, so it has become a social, racial and even a religious conflict, which caused too much victims? There are some analysis to answer the question. Some said that there were some provocateurs came from Jakarta to Ambon. Those provocateurs involved in the Ketapang conflict Jakarta in November last year. They went home to Ambon and succeeded to blow up the conflict in Ambon. Some said that there are some persons in Jakarta who paid the provocaterus to make riots everywhere in Indonesia. A conflict in Ambon is one of that scenario. So it said that the conflict in Ambon was "a business" of some important persons in Jakarta. Some name have been mentioned, such as Soeharto, the Indonesian ex-president, who still has many followers and has caused many racial conflicts in Indonesia, since his resignation last year.

It is difficult to justify the analysis but we can conclude that the social situation in Indonesia has become like a "dry grasses" which could be burnt any time. The racial or religious conflicts are only the external expressions of the internal social and political problems that caused the great crisis in Indonesia. The crisis has been too extended and deepened so it is difficult to resolve it. The economic crisis ha caused a great number of unemployed people. This social condition could be "soft cushion" for conflicts which use religion and racial as their tools at hands.

Black diary of the tragedy in Ambon
The tragedy in Ambon lasted for three months. The conflicts has revealed the sensitive issues in the social and political life of the people in Indonesia. Racial, religion, position in government could be a trigger for the great conflicts. I would like to present the chronology of the tragedy in Ambon:

* January 19th, 1999: the personal conflict between Usman and Yopie that triggered between the people of two Kampung: kampung Aboru (Ambonese) and Batu Merah (Makasar). Two hours later the conflict became a great riot between Christians and Muslims in Ambon.
* January 20th, 1999 : the conflicts spread to some villages: Hunut, Durian, Patah, Waiheru, Beneteng Karang, Hila.
* January 20-26th 1999: The Airport of Pattimura was closed for commercial flights.
* January 21st 1999: the mass riot occurred in Saumlaki, Seram barat, Xanana to react the riot in Ambon.
* January 22th 1999: the Muslims in Ambon prayed in the Mosques and the Christians protected them so they can prayed peacefully.
* January 23rd 1999: at 11.00 local time, the police which were evacuating the Muslims were waylaid by the Christians. The police fled and five Muslims dead in the conflicts. An unknown person kidnapped one soldier. The soldier died.
* January 28th 1999: the conflicts took place in Haruku Island especially in some villages: Kariu, Pelau. Ori. 17 persons died. From Haruku the conflict moved to Saparua Island.
* January 30th 1999: The security force found the arms and bullets in some people’s houses in Kaitetu, middle maluku.
* February 23rd 1999: Bomb exploded in Ambon two times at 11.30 AM local time and 12.30 PM. 30 houses were burnt in Batumerah.
* February 25th 1999: the victims shot in the Church reported to the Commander of the Military Police of Military Resort 174 Pattimura.
* February 28th-1st March 1999: Peace agreement among the local leaders, religious leaders, cultural leaders and local governments from Ambon island, Haruku island, Saparua island took place in the Office of Military Resort 174 Pattimura. Soon after the agreement there occurred a killing of five persons of one family. One child escaped because he fled to the forest. At 03.30 AM, 200 people from the village of Kolan Ahuru attacked the village of Rinjani. Two persons dead and tree persons injured. When the Muslims praying for Sholat Subuh in the Mosque of Muhajirin, some police members shot the people there. Three people died. The Police refuse that they shot the people inside the Mosque.
* March 3rd 1999: before the Cabinet meeting in Jakarta, Indonesian Commanderin Chief of the Armed Forced, Gen. Wiranto ordered The Chief of Indonesian Police Gen. Pol. Roesmanhadi di replace the Chief of the Regional Police of Ambon Kol. Karyono. Indonesian Army Force decide to send the troops to Ambon from Situbondo and Purworejo. The troops from Ujungpandang were withdrawn from Ambon.
* March 5th 1999: 8 military officers shot the people. One died and 17 injured.
* March 6th 1999: around 16.00 PM local time two people from Bugis died. Their cars and corpses were burnt. Three hours later, four bombs exploded in Ambon,. Behind the Silo Church and in Batugajah. Atm 02.30 AM the the security officers shot to dead Danny Letty: George Ririhatuela and Markus Silubun were injured seriously; 15 people injured
* March 7th 1999: The security team formed and sent by General Wiranto began working. There was a riot in Airsalobar Atas: 3 died, many injured. There were 30 times explosions.
* March 8th 1999: Hendropriyono the Minister of Transmigration and Resettlement of the Forest Cutters accused RMS as a hidden actors of the riot in Ambon. The meeting between Amrmed Force and Reconciliation Team took place in Ambon. The National Human Rights Commission launched the statements: (1) the riot in Ambon is not a religious conflict; (2) do not make statement without real data; (3) to undertake a legal process for those who caused or provoke the riot.
* March 9th 1999: the conflict went on, many houses were burnt down, 10 died, 30 injured.
* March 10th 1999: the authority for resolving the conflict moved from Police Officers to Military. The military will solve the conflict in three months since March 11srt 1999.
* March 11-15th 1999: The tension and conflict were cooling down.
* March 16th 1999 : the people involved in the conflict delivered their arms.
* March 17th 1999 : the social and economic activities started to begin, even though the situation was not thoroughly restored.

BODY PIERCING HISTORY

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NOSE PIERCING HISTORY

Nose piercing is very attractive, and can accentuate the face, because the nose is the face's most prominent feature; Leonardo Da Vinci believed that the nose set the character of the whole face.

Nose piercing was first recorded in the Middle East aproximately 4,000 years ago, it is mentioned in The Bible in Genesis 24:22 Abraham requested his oldest servant to find a wife for his son Isaac, the servant found Rebekah, and one of the gifts he gave her was a "golden earring" the original Hebrew word used was Shanf, which also translates as "nose-ring".

This practice is still followed among the nomadic Berber and Beja tribes of Africa, and the Bedouins of the Middle East, the size of the ring denotes the wealth of the family. It is given by the husband to his wife at the marriage, and is her security if she is divorced.

Nose piercing was bought to India in the 16th Century from the Middle East by the Moghul emperors. In India a stud (Phul) or a ring (Nath) is usually worn in the left nostril, It is sometimes joined to the ear by a chain, and in some places both nostrils are pierced. The left side is the most common to be pierced in India, because that is the spot associated in Ayuvedra (Indian medicine) with the female reproductive organs, the piercing is supposed to make childbirth easier and lessen period pain.

In the west nose piercing first appeared among the hippies who travelled to India in the Late 1960's. It was later adopted by the Punk movement of the late 1970's as a symbol of rebellion against conservative values, and conservative people like parents and employers still don't react well to it, so consider their reaction carefully before getting it done.

Nowadays nose piercing is gradually becoming more socially acceptable, and many celebrities have their nose pierced i.e. Madonna, Lenny Kravitz, Sinead O'Connor, and Slash from Guns & Roses.

TONGUE PIECEING HISTORY

Tongue piercing was practised in a ritual form by the ancient Aztecs, Mayas of Central America and the Haida, Kwakiutul, and Tlinglit tribes of the American Northwest. The tongue was pierced to draw blood to propitiate the gods, and to create an altered state of consciousness so that the priest or shaman could communicate with the gods.

Tongue piercing is one of the most popular piercings, it's shocking, provocative and fantastic for oral sex (for both sexes), but at the same time no one need know you have it. Janet Jackson, Keith Flint from Prodigy, Mel B from the Spice Girls and Malcolm Jamahl Warner from the Cosby show all sport pierced tongues.

EAR LOBE PIERCING HISTORY

The ear-lobe was probably man's first attempt at body piercing due to the ease with which it can be pierced. The oldest mummified body in the world was found frozen in an Austrian Glacier in 1991, tests showed the body to be over 5,000 years old. The body had pierced ears and the holes had been enlarged to 7-11mm diameter.

Ears were probably first pierced for magical purposes, very many primitive tribes believe that demons can enter the body through the ear, because demons and spirits are supposed to be repelled by metal, ear-piercing prevents them entering the body. Sailors used to have an ear pierced to improve eyesight, and if the bodies washed up somewhere it would pay for a christian burial. In many societies ear piercing is done as a puberty ritual, in Borneo the Mother and Father each pierce one ear as a symbol of the child's dependance on their parents.

Ear piercing is an almost universal practice for men and women, it's only in western society that it's deemed effeminate. At various times in history men wore elaborate earrings; during the Elizabethan era many famous men such as Shakespeare, Sir Walter Raliegh and Francis Drake wore gold rings in their ears.

"As the Roman Republic grew more effeminate with wealth and luxury, earrings were more popular among men than women; no less a he-man than Julius Caesar brought back to repute and fashion the use of rings in the ears of men."

"Jewels & Women; The Romance, Magic and Art of Feminine Adornment" Marianne Ostier, Horizon Press, New York, 1958

LIP LABRET PIERCING HISTORY

The piercing of the lips for the insertion of objects into them is very widely practised throughout the world, however only two tribes pierce the lips with a ring; the Dogon tribe Of Mali, and the Nuba of Ethiopia. Among the Dogon the piercing of the lip has religious signifigance, they believe that the world was created by their ancestor spirit "Noomi" weaving thread through her teeth, but instead of thread out came speech. All the other lip piercing that is practised in the world is done with labrets, which can either be a pin of wood, ivory, metal, or even in one case quartz crystals. Among the tribes of Central Africa, and South America the Labret piercing is stretched to extremely large proportions, and large wooden or clay plates are inserted.

Among the ancient Aztecs and Mayans labret piercing was reserved for male members of the higher castes, they wore beautiful labrets fashioned from pure gold in the shape of serpents, golden labrets with stones inset and ones of jade or obsidion (labret in Aztec "Tentetl"). The Native Americans of the Pacific Northwest, and the Inuit peoples of northern Canada and Alaska wore labrets fahioned from walrus ivory, abalone shell, bone, obsidian, and wood.

The Makololo tribe of Malawi wear lip plates in the upper lip called Pelele. The African explorer Dr. Livingstone asked a chief the reason for this, in surprise the chief answered "For beauty! They are the only beautiful things women have. Men have beards, women have none. What kind of person would she be without Pelele ? She would not be a woman at all."

"The plug of wood in the lips, which became little by little a disk, and then a real plaque, was in some manner a sign of possession of the husband of the Djinja woman. It is the man who is to marry her, and very often him alone who operates, transfixing the lips of the young girl with a blade of straw forms the first sign of the deformation to which she will be subject as an adult. It is in sum, a betrothal rite."

Dr. Muraz reffering to the Saras-Djinjas tribe, who insert lip plates up to 24cm in diameter in both lips. Chari River South of Lake Chad in "Nudity to Raiment" Hilaire Hiler London 1929

SEPTUM PIERCING HISTORY

The piercing of the septum is probably the second most common piercing among primitive peoples after ear piercing, it's even more common than nostril piercing. It's probably so popular for the same reasons as nose piercing, with the added attraction that the piercing can be stretched and large pieces of jewellery can be inserted, i.e. pig's tusks, pieces of bone, feathers, pieces of wood, etc.

The septum piercing is particularly prevalent among warrior cultures, this probably has to do with the fact that large tusks through the septum give the face a fierce appearance. The use of septum tusks is very prevalent in Irian Jaya, New Guinea and the Solomon Islands, pig's tusks being the most popular. Among the Asmat tribe of Irian Jaya the most prestigous septum tusk is the "Otsj" this is a large bone plug, which can be as thick as 25mm. They are usually made of the leg bones of a pig, but occasionally they are made from the Tibia bone of an enemy slain in battle.

The Septum piercing was beloved by the Aztecs, the Mayans, and the Incas. They wore a variety of jewellery, but jade and gold were the most popular because of their religous associations. The modern day Cuna Indians of Panama continue this practice by wearing thick pure gold rings in their septum.

The piercing is also popular in India, Nepal, and Tibet, a pendant "Bulak" is worn, and some examples are so large as to prevent the person being able to eat, the jewellery has to be lifted up during meals. In Rajasthan in Himachal Pradesh these Bulak are particularly elaborate, and extremely large.

Septum piercing was widely practised by many North American Indian tribes, the name of the Nez Perc, tribe of Washington state, stem from their practice of piercing the septum, Nez Perc, is French for Nose Pierced, and was given to the tribe by the French fur traders. Australian aboriginals pierced the septum and passed a long stick or bone through the piercing to flatten the nose, they believed a flat nose to be the most desireable.

Among the Bundi tribe of the Bismarck Ranges of Papua New Guinea the piercing is performed using the thin end of the Sweet Potato plant (Ogai Iriva), usually at age 18-22. The age at which the piercing is done varies greatly between different tribes, some tribes perform the rite at age 9-10.

"You were lost in the bush and now you have come back. You have come back mature; you are men. When you return to your hamlet many girls will come after you. But if you have lived well, and if they come after you, all the well. You will now have your noses pierced to allow you to sing with girls and lead a life like that of your elders. Your (Kangi Poroi) caused you to go to all this trouble, now it will be over."

Source: Address by tribal elder to young men undergoing the (Kangi Poroi) manhood ritual. Source: Field notes of David G. Fitzpatrick 1977 in "Bundi, the culture of Papua New Guinea people" Ryebuck Publications, Nerang Queensland Australia 1983

THE HISTORY OF NAVEL PIERCING

Navel piercing is a modern invention and has never been recorded in primitive cultures; however the navel has long been recognised as an erogenous zone, because of the difference between men's and women's stomachs. Women's stomachs differ from men's in that they are more rounded in the lower part, are longer than men's, have a greater distance between the navel and genitals, and are more deeply recessed than men's; these features are often exaggerated by artists to make women appear more feminine in paintings.

The invention of the Bikini in 1953 caused a big stir because the navel was seen as being sexually provocative because of it's similarity to the female genitals. The Bikini revolutionised women's lives, along with the liberation of their clothes their lives in general became more liberated. The process was completed when Madonna started the craze for showing of the midriff in the 1980's. The ability to flaunt their sexuality in public gave women more power and confidence in themselves.

"It is easy to pinpoint the moment when body piercing went mainstream. Christy Turlinton came out at a London Fashion show, and in the middle of her navel was a ring! The next day Naomi Campbell showed the world that anything Christy could do, so could she. A gold ring with a small pearl pierced her navel. And then at Isaac Mizrahi's show the two came out together, navels bared and beringed: body piercing as a Supermodel totem" Suzy Menkes The New York Times September 1994

"I have the most perfect belly button - an inny. When I stick my finger in my belly button, I feel a nerve in the centre of my body shoot up my spine" Madonna Time Magazine 1985

"I like it, I think it's fun!" Naomi Campbell. "I always thought it was a pretty feminine thing to do - and you can always take it out" Christy Turlington.

Shortly after Naomi and Christy had their navels pierced no one was surprised when Madonna, Cher and Janet Jackson were seen wearing navel rings. Now anybody can joins the ranks of Celebrities and Supermodels by having their navel pierced.

HISTORY OF NIPPLE PIERCING

Roman Centurions wore leather armour breast plates which were shaped to fit the body and rings were sometimes placed in these breastplates where the nipples appeared to be, the rings were used to hang a cape from. This has led to the belief by some people that the actual nipples were pierced to hang a cape from, but anybody who has had their nipples pierced would tell you that this would be a very uncomfortable practice.

"In the middle of the 14th century...Many women suddenly wore 'such low necklines that you could see nearly half their breasts', and among the upper classes in the same century, Queen Isabella of Bavaria introduced the 'Garments of the grand neckline', where the dress was open to the navel. This fashion eventually led to the application of rouge to freely displayed nipples, those 'little apples of paradise' and to placing diamond studded rings or small caps on them, even to piercing them and passing gold chains through them decorated with diamonds" "Dreamtime" Hans Peter Duerr

In the late 1890s the 'Bosom Ring', came into fashion briefly, and sold in expensive Parisian jewellery shops. These 'Anneux De Sein' were inserted through the nipple, and some women wore on either side linked with a delicate chain. The rings enlarged the nipples and kept them in a state of constant excitation...the medical community was outraged by these cosmetic procedures, for they represented a rejection of traditional conceptions of the purpose of a woman's body." "Anatomy & Destiny" Stephen Kern

"For a long time I could not understand why I should consent to such a painful operation without sufficient reason. I soon, however came to the conclusion that many ladies are ready to bear the passing pain for the sake of love. I found that the breasts of those who wore rings were incomparably rounder and fuller developed than those who did not. My doubts were now at an end...so I had my nipples pierced, and when the wounds were healed, I had rings inserted...with regard to the experience of wearing these rings, I can only say that they are not in the least uncomfortable or painful. On the contrary, the slight rubbing and slipping of the rings causes in me an extremely titillating feeling, and all my colleagues I have spoken to on this subject have confirmed my opinion." London socialite writing in "Vogue" 1890

Nipple piercing was once practised by the Karankawa indians of Texas adn is still practised in the Mountains of Algeria, by women of the nomadic Kabyle tribe. In the west nipple piercing has made a resurgence, with many famous people having their nipples pierced ie. Lenny Kravitz, Jaye Davidson (The Crying Game), Gerry Connelly (Comedian), Tommy Lee (Drummer Motley Crue- Husband of Pamela Stephenson Baywatch) and Axl Rose (Guns & Roses).

BENEFITS

The benefits of having your nipple pierced are the same today as they were for the fashionable ladies of Paris and London in the 1890s. It makes the nipples larger, more sensitive, more sexually attractive, and provides a constant stimulation of the nipples, one friend of mine describes his nipple piercing as "a lightswitch for an erection". Nipple piercing is very effective for increasing the size of small nipples (especially men's), and can stop nipples from becoming inverted by pulling them out. In fact, it was recommended by doctors in Victorian England to increase the size of the nipples to make breastfeeding easier. It provides greater sexual pleasure because it gives your partner something to play with during sex.

CLITORIS HOOD PIERCING HISTORY

The word Kleitoris was used over 2,500 thousand years ago by the ancient Greeks to describe a part of the female genitals, most probably the Labia Minora or Inner lips of the Vagina. In 1593 at the trial of a woman accused of witchcraft, the inquisitor (a married man) discovered a Clitoris for the first time. When he saw this "little lump of flesh sticking out to the length of half an inch" he decided that it must be the "Devil's Teat". The other inquisitors, likewise astounded, agreed and on this fact the woman was convicted and executed for witchcraft. The word "Clitoris" first appeared in the English language in 1615, it was used in an early anatomy book to describe a small, sensitive organ located underneath the upper apex of the Labia Minora.

PRINCE ALBERT PIERCING HISTORY

The Prince Albert piercing is named after Prince Albert who was the husband of Queen Victoria of England. He was reputeded to have had this piercing done prior to his marriage to the queen around 1825, at that time Beau Brummel started the craze for ultra tight mens trousers. Because the pants were so tight, the penis needed to be held to one side or the other so as not to create an unsightly bulge. To accomplish this some men had their penis pierced to allow it to be held by a hook on the inside of the trousers, this piercing was called a "Dressing Ring" at the time because tailors would ask if a gentleman dressed to the left or the right and tailor the trousers accordingly, tailors to this day will ask if you dress to the left or right.

SEXUAL EFFECTIVENESS

The Prince Albert Piercing is very effective for sex, that is why it is the most popular male genital piercing. It provides greater stimulation to both partners during sex, and it has the added allure of being being somewhat kinky, people always have to wonder what it would be like to have sex with someone with a genital piercing. On top of all that it makes the penis more aesthetically attractive, in the same way as jewellery worn on the fingers.

FRAENULUM PIERCING HISTORY

The piercing of the Fraenulum is probably the second-most popular male genital piercing, it is usually incorrectly referred to as a "Frenum" piercing but this an abbreviated version of the true word Fraenulum . The Fraenulum is the small ridge of flesh joining the foreskin to the Glans of the penis, in most cases circumcision removes or destroys it, however in rare cases it still exists after circumcision. I can only find one account of it occurring amongst tribal people.

"Amongst the Timorese of Indonesia, the Frenulum beneath the glans penis is pierced with brass rings, the function of the ring is to enhance stimulation during sex."

Die kunstlichen Verunstaltungen des Korpers bei den Batta. Zeitschrift fur Ethnologie 16:217-225 1884.

FORESKIN PIERCING (INFIBULATION)

The practice of piercing of the foreskin for the insertion of jewellery is as old as circumcision, and is of immemorial antiquity, going back far beyond the earliest recorded history. During the games of Ancient Greece, the athletes performed nude, and to prevent their penises moving about they bound the foreskin with a ribbon and tied it to the base of the penis. This ribbon. or leather thong was called the "Kynodesme" from the Greek "Kuon" foreskin, and "Desmos" fastening band. This temporary practice probably led to the permanent piercing of the foreskin, either to prevent slaves and athletes from having sex, or to prevent them from having erections. The Roman's used a practice called Infibulation, it involved two piercings going through the foreskin (or Labia in women) and a lock (Fibula) being placed therein.

The Roman historian Mensius declares that Infibulation may be traced back to the time of the siege of Troy (12th Century BC) for he points out that according to "The Odyssey" (Bk. VIII, Line 477) Agamemnon departed for the Trojan War, and left his wife Clytemnestra, in the care of the singer Demodecus, seeing that he had been infibulated.

The prevalence of the practice is attested to by the number of references to it, to be found in ancient writings. The roman writers Juvenal, Martial, Strabo, Fallopio, and Hieronymus Mercurialis all make mention of the practice. The piercing process is described in detail by the famous 1st Century Roman physician Celsus, in his treatise on medicine "De Medecina"

PALANG & APADRAVYA PIERCING HISTORY

The piercing of the Glans of the Penis for the insertion of jewellery is a very ancient practice, the Apadravya piercing is mentioned in the Kama Sutra (700AD) and the Palang piercing has been practised in SE Asia for several hundred years. Several genital piercings originate in Asia where piercing has been practised since antiquity, the following quote, from "The Kama Sutra" describes the process for the piercing of an Apadravya, or a vertical barbell through the glans of the Penis.

"The people of the southern countries think that true sexual pleasure cannot be obtained without perforating the Lingam, and they therefore cause it to be pierced like the lobes of the ears of an infant pierced for earrings."

The Palang (often incorrectly called Ampallang) is a piercing that occurred among the Kayan, Kenyah, Kelabit, Dayak, and Iban tribes of Sarawak on the Island of Borneo. It involves piercing the Glans of the Penis horizontally, and the insertion of a barbell. The term "Palang" translates as "Crossbar" in Iban and can be related to the timber roof supports of the longhouses of the tribes of the area, and symbolises the protective power of the male over the family.

"the operation is performed only on adults. The skin is forced back, the penis is placed between two small planks of bamboo and for ten days and it is covered with rags dipped in cold water. Then the glans is perforated with a sharp bamboo needle; a feather dipped in oil, is placed in the wound until it heals. Wet compresses are used all the while. When the Dayaks travel and work they carry a feather in this canal. As soon as they grow desirous, they pull the feather out and replace it with the ampallang. The ampallang is a little rod of copper, silver or gold, four centimetres long and two millimetres thick. At one end of this rod is a round ball or pear-formed object made of metal; at the other end a second ball is placed as soon as the ampallang is affixed. The whole apparatus is, when ready, five centimetres long and five millimetres thick.... Von Graffin has seen one Dayak who had two ampallangs, one behind the other! The perforation was always horizontal and above the urethra.... The women of the Dayaks say the embrace without this ornament is like rice, but with it, it tastes like rice with salt. Mantegazza, Sexual Relations of Mankind

"The function of this device is, superficially, is to add to the sexual pleasure of the women by stimulating and extending the inner walls of the vagina. It is, in this, in my experience decidedly successful." Tom Harrisson, The Sarawak Museum Journal Vol VII, December 1956.

GUICHE (geesh) PIERCING HISTORY

The word "Guiche" is supposed to mean an opening in French, the actual translation is "window". This piercing is supposed to be a Samoan puberty ritual, but Derek Freeman Professor Emeritus of the Anthropology Department of The Australian National University, one of the world"s foremost authorities on Samoa informed me that he had no experience of this practice in Samoa. The puberty ritual practised in Samoa is subincision, this is where the underneath of the foreskin is cut down to the fraenulum. Professor Freeman stated that this practice has never existed in Samoa, and if it had in the past he would have been aware of it.

Doug Malloy Travelled to Tahiti just before WW2, where he met an Australian sailor who had jumped ship named Reggie Jones. Reggie told Doug about the piercing, and performed the piercing for him.

Doug Malloy said that this piercing originated in Tahiti, the piercing was done at age 12-14 and a leather thong inserted into the piercing, a small weight either a rock or a shell was hung from the thong once the piercing was healed. The procedure was performed by a "Mahu", in Tahiti a Mahu is a transvestite male who has taken on the role of a women, they are highly respected members of society, and they were said to possess magical powers by adherants of the ancient Tahitian religion. However, again I can find no evidence of this practice in any literature about Tahiti.

The ancient Polynesian mariners used to judge their direction by the movement of the waves, the best way to do this was to squat down and feel this movement through the swinging of the testicles. The Raphe Perineum where the Guiche piercing is done is the site of a large amount of nerves, and having a weight hanging from the piercing could possibly have helped the ancient mariners derive their direction, but this is only speculation on my part.

HAFADA (SCROTUM) PIERCING

The Hafada piercing is a scrotum piercing on the side of the scrotum, where there is a crease. It is supposed to have originated in Arabia and spread through Northern Africa and the Middle East. The piercing is carried out as a puberty ritual, it is generally done on the left hand side. The piercing was supposedly bought back to Europe by French Foriegn Legionares when they were stationed in what is now Lebanon and Syria.

Scrotum piercings aren't practised by any primitive tribes, at least I can't find any evidence of such practices, it's really a modern western invention. Some people have an incredible number of piercings through their scrotum, Sailor Sid one of the early piercers had 120 scrotum piercings at the time of his death, and he planned to have more.

Clouded Leopard

2009-12-31T01:21:00.001+08:00

New Species Declared: Clouded Leopard On Borneo And Sumatra

ScienceDaily (Mar. 15, 2007) — Scientists have discovered that the clouded leopard found on the islands of Borneo and Sumatra is an entirely new species of cat. The secretive rainforest animal was originally thought to be the same species as the one found in mainland Southeast Asia.

Genetic analysis conducted at the U.S. National Cancer Institute shows that the difference between the two clouded leopard species is comparable to the differences between other large cat species like lions, tigers, and jaguars. Scientists believe the new species of clouded leopard diverged from the mainland population some 1.4 million years ago.

"Genetic research results clearly indicate that the clouded leopards of Borneo and Sumatra should be considered a separate species," said Dr Stephen O'Brien, Head of the Laboratory of Genomic Diversity, U.S. National Cancer Institute. "DNA tests highlighted around 40 differences between the two species."

The results of the genetic study are supported by separate research on geographical variation in the clouded leopard, based mainly on fur patterns and coloration of skins held in museums and collections.

"The moment we started comparing the skins of the mainland clouded leopard and the leopard found on Borneo and Sumatra, it was clear we were comparing two different species," said Dr Andrew Kitchener, from the Department of Natural Sciences, National Museums Scotland and lead author of the scientific paper that described the new species. "It's incredible that no one has ever noticed these differences."

The new clouded leopard species is generally darker than the mainland species, has small cloud markings, many distinct spots within the cloud markings, grayer fur, and a double dorsal stripe. Clouded leopards from the mainland have large clouds on their skin with fewer, often faint, spots within the cloud markings, and they are lighter in color, with a tendency toward tawny-colored fur and a partial double dorsal stripe.

"Who said a leopard can never change its spots? For over a hundred years we have been looking at this animal and never realized it was unique," said Adam Tomasek, head of WWF's Borneo and Sumatra program. "The fact that Borneo's top predator is now considered a separate species further emphasizes the uniqueness of the island and the importance of conserving the Heart of Borneo."

Clouded leopards are the biggest predators on Borneo. Some grow to be as large as a small panther, and have the longest canine teeth relative to body size of any cat. Sumatran tigers are the largest predators on Sumatra.

Between 5,000 and 11,000 clouded leopards are estimated to live on Borneo. The total number in Sumatra could be in the range of 3,000 to 7,000 individuals. However, further studies are needed to obtain better population data. Habitat destruction is the cat's main threat.

The last great forest home of the Bornean Clouded Leopard is the Heart of Borneo, a wild, mountainous region of rainforest the size of Kansas. WWF recently released a report showing that scientists had identified at least 52 new species of animals and plants over the past year on Borneo.

Last month in Bali (Indonesia), the ministers of the three Bornean governments - Brunei Darussalam, Indonesia and Malaysia - signed an historic Declaration to conserve and sustainably manage the Heart of Borneo.

Borneo poisonous blowpipe

2009-12-22T03:59:00.003+08:00

The diverse indigenous Dayak tribes, as well as the formerly semi-settled hunters and gatherers of Borneo (Kalimantan) such as the Punan, Berusu, and Basap have traditionally hunted for wild animals WILD ANIMALS. Animals in a state of nature; animals ferae naturae. Vide Animals; Ferae naturae. with blowpipes and poison darts. The blowpipe, which is about two meters long, is made of ironwood ironwood: see hornbeam.

ironwood

Any of numerous trees and shrubs, found worldwide, that have exceptionally tough or hard wood useful for timber, fence posts, and tool handles. (Eusideroxylon zwageri), generally known as ulin in Indonesia, or of another hardwood species. Among my collection are also some antique blowpipes cut from bamboo sections.

The 30 cm. long blowpipe darts weigh less than 1 g. The darts exit the blowpipe at a speed (V0) of at least 50 m/see, or about 180 km/h, as ascertained through trials by the author at the German Bundeskriminalarat (German Federal Bureau of Investigation Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), division of the U.S. Dept. of Justice charged with investigating all violations of federal laws except those assigned to some other federal agency. ) in the city of Wiesbaden in 1985 (Zahorka 1986:37). Because of minimal weight and high velocity, the darts' trajectory is flat up to a distance of 25 to 30 meters. Therefore, at this distance, the dart can hit an animal even if only a small part of it is visible or it is shielded by branches and leaves in the dense jungle cover. This would not be possible if using a bow because the flight path of a heavy arrow is not straight but takes on a ballistic curve. Another advantage of hunting with a blowpipe is the nearly soundless shooting.

The agent that brings about the demise of the animal is the poison, not the dart itself. Irrespective of which part of the animal's body the dart hits, the poison diffuses very rapidly throughout the whole body. A two-centimeter segment of the points of the darts used for hunting small animals, monkeys and large birds is treated with poison. The darts for hunting deer (Cervus unicolor u·ni·col·or
adj.
Monochromatic. ), muntjak muntjac, muntjak

Asian rib-faced deer with slit-like scent gland openings on the face and two-tined antlers. Called also Muntiacus muntjak. (Muntiacus muntjac muntjac: see deer.

muntjac
or barking deer

Any of about seven species of solitary, nocturnal deer, native to Asia and introduced into England and France, that constitute the genus Muntiacus (family Cervidae). ) and wild boar (Sus barbatus) are treated with poison to five centimeters down from the point upon which is affixed af·fix
tr.v. af·fixed, af·fix·ing, af·fix·es
1. To secure to something; attach: affix a label to a package.

2. a sharp head of bamboo, metal or a small animal's pointed tooth.

Because of the depletion of the forests in Kalimantan, the present indigenous hunters need a hunting weapon that can be shot over a much greater distance than the blowgun blowgun, hollow tube from which a dart or an arrow is blown by a person's breath. The arrow was usually tipped with a poison, such as curare, which would stun or kill the struck prey. Blowguns were widely used by prehistoric peoples. . Therefore, some Basap people living on the Mangkalihat Peninsula, Kalimantan Timur, have constructed sophisticated air guns powered by strings of elastic, which shoot these poison darts accurately at a distance of about 100 meters (Zahorka 2004a:10).

The Plant Species Needed to Produce the Dart Poison

The raw material that yields the poison is the latex of the tall tree Antiaris toxicaria (Pers.) Lesch., Moraceae. However, the poison processing is possible only with the use of a young leaf of the small Licuala spinosa Thunb. palm.

1. Antiaris toxicaria (Pers.) Lesch., Moraceae, can grow up to 50 meters in height and to a diameter of up to 1.5 meters or more. The tall branchless trunk is straight; the buttresses are relatively small, and the small treetop is nearly spherical. It is a rare tree that grows from the lowland up into the montane mon·tane
adj.
Of, growing in, or inhabiting mountain areas.

[Latin montnus, from m tropical forest. Generally, the lower parts of the trunks display numerous scars, which indicate former latex tapping over many decades.

Because of its powerful poison, this tree has been the subject of horror stories for 200 years. Thus, the seventeenth century German-Dutch natural scientist Rumphius wrote: "This tree grows on barren mountains. The soil below it is desolate and singed. Only a horned snake lives under the tree which cackles like a hen and has eyes that glow in the night" (cit. Beekmann 1981 in Zahorka 2000:19, translated by the author). Similarly, the Swedish Borneo explorer Eric Mjoberg reported in 1929: "To stay at a close distance to the tree is life-threatening and an embankment of bones surrounds it ..." (Mjoberg 1929:307, translated from German by the author). Fortunately, this all is pure fantasy. In a more recent book, we can read: "There is a fabulous legend that it is deadly merely to sleep in the shade of the upas tree upas tree (y`pəs): see mulberry. " (Smith 1997:36).

In Java, Sumatra and Malaysia, the tree is widely known as pohon ipoh or pohon upas. However, the various traditional tribal communities in Kalimantan have their own vernacular names for it. Here are some examples which I collected in East and Central Kalimantan between 1976 and 2003:

2. Licuala spinosa Thunb., Palmae, is a small fan palm growing in the tropical forests of SE Asia along the equator (McCurrach 1960). The 3-to-5-meter-high stems grow in tufts. The 15 to 18 leaf segments, which are up to 40 centimeters long and up to 15 centimeters wide are widely used for thatching. The Indonesian and Malaysian name for it is sang.

For the dehydration process of the Antiaris latex, a very young sang leaf, that is still accordion-like folded and not yet spread out, is used. In this original condition, the leaf is absolutely fire resistant and durable. It is this property of the leaf that holds the secret of producing the dart poison over a fire. The young leaf keeps its shape and will not burn even if put into a hot gas flame. A boat-shaped container made with this leaf must be durable enough to hold the latex throughout the prolonged dehydration.

Building the Iban Longhouse

2009-12-16T23:44:00.000+08:00

A longhouse in Sarawak; source:www.enicholl.com

"When the longhouse becomes too dilapidated, it is the responsibility of the tuai rumah (leader of the longhouse) to hold a gathering with his people to discuss about a new longhouse. If the head of each family agrees, all males and every family is asked to collect ramu (construction materials) for posts, beams, studs, planks, etc. When all the families report that they have enough ramu, the tuai rumah with the help of the tuai burung (the sage) will fix the auspicious date for the ngerembang, the clearing of the site of the longhouse."

The Tanju, the outdoor communal terrace

"A few days before that date, the tuai rumah goes into the jungle to seek the signs that will reveal the best location of the future longhouse. If the new longhouse is to be built downstream from the old house, the tuai rumah will look for the Nendak bird, to the right of his direction of travel. When he hears the call of this bird, he will uproot a small tree in that area to mark the occasion, , and he will bring home the small tree, known as the tambak burung."

"The next day, the tuai rumah enters the jungle again on a similar mission. When he hears the call of the nendak bird from his right hand side, he will again uproot a young tree to mark the spot and return with the tambak burung. Early on the third day, he again enters the jungle, this time looking for the bird on his left hand side. When he hears the call, he will again uproot a young tree and return with his last tambak burung."

The Panggau and the Ruai, communal living areas in the longhouse

"On the morning of the ngerembang, the tuai rumah will burn the tambak burung in the middle of the new site, before leading the members of the longhouse in the clearing works. When the ngerembang is finished, the families are asked to bring all the ramu that had been collected to the respective houses."

The bilik is the private realm of the family

"After the prayer, the tiang permun (the main post of the house) is placed in the ground, buried together with salt, a small piece of gold, the skin of the langgir fruit and a mumban twig (a small tree commonly found along the river banks). As soon as the longhouse is completed, the tuai rumah and the tuai burung will lead the the families into the new building. But before they finally move to their bilik (rooms), each family must build their own dapur (kitchen)."

Reference: Translated from Malay text reproduced in the Cyber Penom website, including all the photos except the first one.

Iban longhouse

2009-12-16T03:27:00.001+08:00

The longhouse faces the river. Each family unit in the longhouse has its own section, consisting of a room (bilik) with a solid door, an equal-width section of the common area onto which all rooms open, and an equal-width section of the porch (tanju) -- which, as you can see, is a rickety affair made of split bamboo laid (not fastened) across supporting logs. We tourists were warned not to go out on the porch because it likely would not hold our weight, and believe me, we were not tempted. In addition to hanging laundry, the porch is used for doing work. An old man spent the morning out there building a door from fresh-looking boards.

Below, you can see some chicken coops on the left side, beneath the living quarters. The people kept a large number of chickens, which strut all around but are chased out if they come into the house. Several dogs and one very small, friendly, flea-infested cat shared the house. The people raise fish to eat in their own fish farm on the river; big bags of tilapia feed are stacked inside the longhouse.

First thing in the morning, most women went out to gather some food. They raise padi rice, vegetables and pepper on the hills above the house. (Black pepper is a major export of Sarawak; we saw pepper plants trained to climb poles in long rows everywhere as we traveled the roads.) The women strap a giant cylindrical basket on their back, put a conical hat on their head, and wearing long sleeves and usually pants, climb up a narrow path to the cultivated fields. When they return, the basket is filled with greenery. They make the baskets from grasses and rattan; the straps are made from tree bark.

One of the two women who cooked for us came in with what appeared to be some kind of tree leaves brimming from her huge basket. Later I realized I had heard a dull pounding coming from the kitchen for a very long time, so I went to investigate. In a small stone mortar she was mashing all the leaves to pulp. She already had a big blue plastic basin full of it. I signaled that I would like to try it and she gestured permission. But she had meant touch and not taste, because as I moved to put a clump into my mouth, both women urgently warned me not to do it. Pointing to the wok on the double-burner gas cooker (same as what most city Malaysians also use), they explained that the pulp had to be cooked. We ate it at lunch that day, and like everything we ate in the longhouse, it was delicious. The texture was heavier than chopped spinach but equally smooth. I don't know if they cooked it in chicken stock or just a combination of flavorings such as soy sauce, but the unique taste of the leaf remained, neither sweet nor bitter, a cross between mustard greens and collards.

Iban - Religion and Expressive Culture

2009-12-14T02:30:00.000+08:00

Religious Beliefs. Religious beliefs and behavior pervade every part of Iban life. In their interpretations of their world, nature, and society, they refer to remote creator gods, who brought the elements and a structured order into existence; the bird-god Sengalang Burong, who directs their lives through messages borne by his seven sons-in-law; and the popular gods, who provide models for living. Iban religion is a product of a holistic approach to life, in which attention is paid to all events in the waking and sleeping states. The religion involves an all-embracing causality, born of the Iban conviction that "nothing happens without cause." The pervasiveness of their religion has sensitized them to every part of their world and created an elaborate otherworld (Sebayan), in which everything is vested with the potential for sensate thought and action. In Iban beliefs and narratives trees talk, crotons walk, macaques become incubi, jars moan for lack of attention, and the sex of the human fetus is determined by a cricket, the metamorphized form of a god.

Though the gods live in Panggau Libau, a remote and godly realm, they are unseen, ubiquitous presences. In contrast to the exclusive categories of Judaism and Christianity, "supernaturals" and "mortals" interact in all activities of importance. In contrast to the gods who are more benevolently inclined towards mortals, Iban believe in and fear a host of malevolent spirits. These spirits are patent projections onto a cosmic screen of anxieties and stresses suffered by Iban: the menacing father figure, the vengeful mother, the freeloader, and becoming lost in the forest. Iban strive to maintain good life and health by adherence to customary laws, avoidance of taboos, and the presentation of offerings and animal sacrifices.

Religious Practitioners. There are three religious practitioners: the bard ( lemambang ), the augur ( tuai burong ), and the shaman ( manang ). Individually or in teams, bards are invited to chant at all major rituals. They are highly respected men, capable of recalling and adapting, as appropriate, chants that go on for hours. The augur is employed for critical activities such as farming or traveling. The shaman is a psychotherapist who is consulted for unusual or persistent ailments.

Ceremonies. Iban rituals ( gawa, gawai ) may be grouped into four major categories: (1) one dozen major and three dozen minor agricultural festivals; (2) healing rituals, performed by the shaman, commencing in the bilik and progressing to the outer veranda; (3) ceremonies for the courageous, commemorating warfare and headhunting; and (4) rituals for the dead. Iban of all divisions perform rituals of the first two categories. Ceremonies to honor warriors have assumed greater importance in the upper Rejang, and rituals for the dead have been much more elaborated in the First and Second divisions of Sarawak.

Arts. The Iban have created one of the most extensive bodies of folklore in human history, including more than one dozen types of epic, myth, and chant. Women weave intricate fabrics and men produce a variety of wood-carvings.

Medicine. Though they have a limited ethnopharmacology, Iban have developed an elaborate series of psychotherapeutic rituals.

Death and Afterlife. Life and health are dependent upon the condition of the soul ( samengat ). Some illnesses are attributed to the wandering of one of an Iban's seven souls, and the shaman undertakes a magical flight to retrieve and return the patient's soul. Boundaries between life and death are vague, and at death the soul must be informed by a shaman that it must move on to Sebayan. Crossing "The Bridge of Anxiety," the soul is treated to all imaginable pleasures, many of which are proscribed for the living. After an undetermined period of revelry, the soul is transformed into spirit, then into dew, in which form it reenters the realm of the living by nourishing the growing rice. As rice is ingested, the cycle of the soul is completed by its return to human form. Gawai Antu, the Festival of the Dead, may be held from a few years to 50 years after the death of a member of the community. The main part of the festival occurs over a three-day period, but takes months or even years to plan. The primary purpose of the festival is to honor all the community's dead, who are invited to join in the ritual acts. The festival dramatizes the dependence of the living and dead upon each other.

Orang utan under threat

2009-12-12T04:14:00.001+08:00

In Central Kalimantan, the hunters and poachers have the blood of orang utan on their hands. The forests that are home to these animals are also being cleared at an alarming rate in the name of development. A rehabilitation centre offers some measure of hope, writes AMY CHEW.

NODDY, an orphaned baby orang utan, climbs up a tree and stares into the distance at the Nyaru Menteng Orang Utan Rehabilitation Centre, his future as uncertain as the existence of the forests which used to be his home.

His mother was killed in the wilds, under what circumstances, his carers do not really know.

But what is sure is that she met with a cruel and violent end -- hacked to pieces, burnt or shot to death -- like so many others before her.

In a forest in Sampit, an animal poacher fires a shot at a female orang utan with a baby in her arms. As the orang utan falls, she clings tightly to her baby.

When the hunter comes over to the dying creature, he is stunned -- he sees tears flowing from its eyes.

Orang utan have emotions just like humans. They can cry, worry and experience sorrow and joy.

"The mother held on to her baby until she breathed her last," recounts Eko Haryuwono, founder of the Nyaru Menteng orang utan rescue unit.

"The hunter was moved by the orang utan's tears and has since stopped killing them."

The hunter now helps the rescue team by informing the unit of orang utan in danger of being killed or poached.

The orang utan, or people of the forest, is our closest relative. Orang utan and humans share 98 per cent of the same DNA.

"They have emotions just like humans. They can cry, worry and experience sorrow and joy just like us," says Eko.

Saving the orang utan will be a demonstration of our humanity, that we are indeed worthy to be called humans, and not beasts.

Headhunters, not pirates

2009-12-10T04:07:00.000+08:00

Headhunting for the Ibans is history. But many a question still lingers in the minds of many as to why headhunting was rampant or to some extent ‘cultural’ among them. Part of this article explains why.

“Heads are very important because they are needed for many occasions. If your loved ones die, only the coming of freshly cut heads will stop the mourning period. You know that when we are in mourning, nothing we do will be blessed. Heads are also required to bless our longhouse. The more heads we have, the more plentiful our harvests will be. They will also guard our longhouse from evil spirits. During our many festivals, our women carry the heads up and down the verandahs or galleries to show of the bravery of their fathers and their brothers. No maiden will give you even a glance if you have not obtained a single head.”… Jimmy Donald, Keling of the Raised World pg. 5

Dato Sri Empiang Jabu in her article ‘Historical Perspective of the Iban’ in The Sarawak Museum Journal (December 1989 issue) writes on pg. 25 in support of the above notion. “… The practice of headhunting being the most talked honoured tradition of the Iban of those days was the crowning proof of manhood. Marriage for young Iban then would come easily with the proof that a man has taken heads in war. Coupled with a war-like spirit was a belief in the magical powers of the human heads. Heads were believed to bring strength, virtue and prosperity to the longhouse and it was the object of every young warrior to bring back a head to adorn his longhouse…”

However, the Iban first started headhunting not because they loved to do it or for the sake of treasuring the heads as trophies back home. It was because from time immemorial with the absence of proper law and order with regards to other tribes, people killed one another. Such thing was common elsewhere, in every part of the world when no proper government existed. Fine examples of this were the Jahiliah Arabs (Period of the Dark Ages) before the coming of Islam to the Middle East and the periods of the Warring States in China both during and after Confucius time.

The Ibans, like other brave ordinary people, had to defend themselves. Long-long time ago Ibans were always victims of attacks by another Borneo tribe known then as Kantu but later learned to defend themselves and turned the table against the attackers. Being born brave (or taught to be brave) the Ibans not only killed their enemies in war but took the heads to appease the spirits of those fellow Ibans killed by the enemies.

Even before the Brookes showed up, the Ibans had already engaged in headhunting simply because during the migratory period they met with a lot of hostility. Iban early immigrants from the Kapuas basin in Kalimantan to Batang Ai and subsequently to other parts of Sarawak came into contact with other people who attacked them and fled. Many Ibans were killed in this nature. Prominent among their attackers were the Bukitans or locally known as Baketan, now an extinct tribe.

Empiang Jabu uses the story of Beti nicknamed Brauh Ngumbang (Loud Yell) and a girl named Remampak to cite one example of the Baketan attack. Beti avenged the mourning Remampak for her slain father by killing and taking the head of the killer who happened to be the leader of the Baketans.

This shows Iban deeds were always based on logical and practical reasons. As such this background has given birth to an important, albeit a notorious part of Iban culture. In order to survive, Ibans of old had to continue the headhunting and found in the practice the usefulness of the heads both in their spiritual and their socio-political world.

In another word, headhunting to the Iban was an integral part of survival in the anarchic scenario of ‘kill or be killed’. If they (the Ibans) did not practise the headhunting their enemies (always those who came into contact with them in new territories), then they would be attacked first by the other tribes. Demonstrating their pragmatism, the Ibans preferred to attack first rather than bear the consequences of being unprepared.

For adventurer James Brooke who landed on Sarawak soil on 15 August 1839, it was really a bad timing and unfortunate. Coming to the scene at this particular time – he came uninvited – served him right.

Sir James Brooke, Sarawak’s first Rajah (1841-1868) was the first to use the term pirates upon rebelling Ibans. Though the Dutch rulers of Sambas in Indonesian Borneo and the Brunei Sultanate never referred to the Ibans as pirates, Brooke’s use of the term was to serve his own purpose. Foreign authors such as Pringle, Runciman and others who wrote on the famous Battle of Beting Maru in 1849 termed the Iban war party under Linggir ‘Mali Lebu’(Never without conquest) as pirates, basing their information on records made available to them by the Brookes Government.

Iban side of the story were never told for public consumption. Were they in any sense pirates? Definitely not. There were plenty of pirates in the area then such as the Sulus, Illanuns, Natunans and others but not Iban. To describe Iban practice of headhunting as piratical is an insult to the language.

Some Saribas Ibans did go on headhunting activities searching for their enemies along the coast, sometimes paddling beyond Beting Maru, even as far as Sambas in Indonesian Borneo but it did not merit them to be converted into buccaneers. History supports the fact that Iban boats were too meek for any piratical activities. Linggir and his men were not ignorant of the fact that their boats were nothing compared to those used by the real pirates. And they were not even comfortable with the seas.

*source- mySarawak.org

Savouring Sarawak

2009-12-09T03:36:00.000+08:00

SARAWAK is part of the oldest, biologically-diverse rainforest on Earth, with a genetic repository that is much older than the Amazon rainforest. More than 67% of Malaysia’s largest state is under forest cover. From the air, it is a lush carpet of green with a complex network of rivers snaking throughout the land.

Sarawak’s forests and rivers largely influence the lives of the indigenous people, who have a history of being very reliant upon the forest for food and medicines, as well as much of their building materials. Their forebears lived in or at the forest fringe, usually along rivers, fishing, hunting and foraging for food.

Forest ferns have a special place in the diet of the people, with the two most popular ferns used as vegetables being midin and the fiddlehead fern (pucuk paku). Midin grows wild in the secondary forests and is peculiar to the state. It has curly fronds and is very crunchy even after it has been cooked. Rural dwellers have always considered the fern a tasty, nutritious vegetable and the jungle fern’s rise from rural staple to urban gourmet green occurred in the 1980s with the increased urban migration of the Iban, Orang Ulu and other groups.

Today, the fern is widely available in markets and a fist-sized bundle costs less than RM2. It is enjoyed by all and many eateries have the fern on their menu, often stir-fried with sambal belacan. Unfortunately, the fern does not travel well as it only stays fresh up to two days after harvesting so Sarawak is largely the only place to try midin dishes. Only the tender tips of the ferns are used in cooking, usually in a quick stir-fry, or simply blanched and eaten with sambal as an ulam.

Aromatic leaves from trees, such as the Bungkang, are also used in cooking to flavour food.

Many of Sarawak’s indigenous peoples still live by the river and forest fringe, and cook over open fires using implements fashioned from Nature. Commonly found in the forests, the hardy bamboo is an essential cooking utensil. Rice, meat, fish and vegetables are stuffed into bamboo logs and stand in wood fires to cook, the bamboo infusing the food with a fresh aroma.

One of the best known Iban dishes is pansoh manok (ayam pansuh), which features chicken and lemongrass cooked in a bamboo log over an open fire. This natural way of cooking seals in the flavours and produces astonishingly tender chicken with a gravy perfumed with lemongrass and bamboo.

Sago is the staple food of the Melanau and the nomadic Penan. Sago palms are pounded to extract the starch which is transformed into granules or ''pearls''. The sago pearls are converted to flour which the Melanau use to make sago cakes, biscuits and other snacks.

The Melanaus, who are skilled fishermen, are also credited with creating umai, one of Sarawak’s best-loved dishes. The salad of raw fish, lime juice, shallots and chillies was created by Melanau fishermen who wanted to enjoy a meal at sea.

A visit to the longhouse will usually see guests welcomed with a glass of tuak, a home-brewed rice wine. The brew has a sweet fragrance and is highly alcoholic – a small glass is enough to send the unaccustomed to euphoric heights. Tuak is now sold in supermarkets, in fancy bottles for less than RM10.

The numerous riverine areas of Sarawak provide the state’s inhabitants with abundant fresh water fish, with the Tilapia being the most widely cultivated. Salted ikan terubok is sold in markets and is a Sarawakian favourite, especially among the Malay community.

At the markets, there are many curious discoveries to be made. For the adventurous gourmet, there are sago grubs, bamboo clams and temilok (marine worms) to try.

If midin has become too common for you, try the bright yellow, round eggplants and turmeric flowers (used in ulam or kerabu) and you can also add hill rice, live catfish and fresh bamboo shoots to your shopping basket.

If you are keen on local cakes, the weekend Satok market in Kuching is the place to head to as there is a wide array of cakes such as the rich, colourful Sarawak layer cakes and kuih celolot, made of rice flour, coconut milk and gula apung (local palm sugar).

Mainstream Sarawak cuisine is very similar to the cuisine in Peninsular Malaysia but it has its regional nuances and specialties. Overall, Sarawak food is not spicy and not many dishes will scorch your tongue.

Courting girls

2009-12-08T02:12:00.002+08:00

In the old days,at the age of fourteen, an Iban boy begins to attain his bachelorhood. His parents teach him to behave and speak politely to others. He also learn to court girls together with older bachelors. Courting girls at night (ngayap) has been an Iban traditional dating method to look for suitable partner and pave the way for their future love. Hence, they must learn the polite manners in approaching the girl of their heart.

The bachelors must learn to establish and maintain their good reputation by paying due respect to the girls’ bed. They ought to be considerate with other people who are sleeping without disturbing them from their dreams. In addition, they should walk quietly along the verandah, which was very difficult to do in the dark for the nervous and the inexperienced. The wooden floors surfaces were mostly uneven with a lot of loose domestic items lying around the corners, or hanging from deer antlers tied to the posts or hanging on loose bamboo beams.

This courting activity is also a test of the young boys’ courage and maturity as they have to travel at night through forest, crossing rivers or swamps to reach the girls’ longhouse. In the headhunting days, this kind of travel could be a very risky affair as they could fall upon a band of marauding enemies. So they are trained to exercise extreme caution to keep them on guard against untoward incident. These include keeping themselves adequately armed, be alert of danger and are prepared for action at all time in their travel. They were also taught to properly identify themselves should they meet other people in their journey.

This nightly travel by the bachelors is also treated as an inter longhouse night security petrol by the community. Any sign of danger detected, these bachelors could give early warning to the community. This would give them time to respond to these emergencies and quell any surprise attacks by enemies. For this reason, ngayap was encouraged as part of the Iban culture and treated as an important early learning and social interaction process for their children. Though there is no set of established rules to this tradition, common understanding by the community at large have accepted this traditional courtship as part of the Iban way of life. There has been no reported incident of property stolen or damaged and fatality incident in the history of the Saribas Iban society due to ngayap activities.

On the other hand, for the girls who aim high or those who have been properly counseled by their parents, they will automatically know how to recognise certain behavior of a suitor to be entertained. The boys who have been ill-cultured and talked boisterously are to be avoided as the girls normally abhor boys who have been badly groomed.

In their conversation with girls whom they court, many boys say that they wish to marry them, or tell the spinsters that their arrivals are made through the requests of their parents to ask for their hands in marriage. On hearing such proposals, the girls must think profoundly. Perhaps the declarations can turn to be mere tricks to induce the girls to offer themselves to the boys. At this juncture, many girls like to test the boys by telling them that they have as yet, no intentions of getting married unless these lads have shown their manly qualities like participating in venturing abroad to search for fame and fortune.

In the old days, when there were many enemies around, spinsters usually declared their refusals to get married unless Iban bachelors had killed enemies and taken their heads. Due to such encouragement on the part of the girls, the male Ibans in those days were rarely found not to have gone abroad or joining a war expeditions because they feared that they could not easily obtain suitable wives. Any man who spent his entire life in his own longhouse was usually labeled as a coward who could, as the women termed it, “put on a woman’s sarong”. Hence, they found it difficult to marry high profile (clever and skillful) girls, unless they are not aware of his true qualities.

Moreover, when a girl reaches maturity, and if there is a suitor, her parents will arrange for her to settle down. Normally, an Iban girl marries when she is seventeen years of age. When a girl attains her spinsterhood, her mother teaches her the ways employed to protect her. She must be taught to behave and speak courteously to boys who court her at night. She is aware that it has been a tradition for a boy to court a girl. However, the question of getting her to offer herself to the boy depends very much on the girl herself, because he cannot force her to give consent unless they love each other through his kindness and winning ways. These are secretly explained to her by her mother. The mother also emphasizes the methods in which her daughter can judge whether or not the boy is sincere enough to marry her.

*source

GN Mawar Wordpress

BORNEO TATTOO

2009-12-06T00:51:00.001+08:00

The earliest records we have of tattooing in Borneo are from the 19th century. The void before that is probably due to the fact that the interior of the island was considered dangerous territory and the inhabitants were greatly feared. The tribes inhabiting the coasts were better known but their tattoos weren’t very significant.

Edwin Gomes, who worked for 17 years as a missionary teacher among the Iban (coastal people), wrote in this connection, “tattooing is practised by most of the Dayak (Iban or coastal Dayak) to a lesser or greater extent. It’s limited to the menfolk though, who often have small tattoos on the forehead, Adam’s apple, shoulders or chest”. It was only in the 19th century, when explorers and missionaries ventured up rivers into the interior, that the West caught a first glimpse of the Borneo tattoos we’re familiar with today. Most of these tattoos probably originated amongst the Kayan, a tribe in the interior belonging to one of the first peoples to settle in Borneo, a branch of the Karen, who inhabited the mountainous regions of Burma and northern Thailand. They are thought to have broken away from the original group to emigrate south towards Malaysia and Borneo around 800 years ago. So it may be that it was the Karen who brought tattooing to Borneo.
Excluding aesthetic considerations, women and men in Borneo tattooed themselves for certain precise reasons. For men it was a symbol of virility, heroism, even cowardice (but only rarely). It was a means of identification in battle, a talisman warding off demons and diseases or boosting power, virility and prestige.
For women it was primarily a mark of high social standing. It signified group solidarity and ensured them access to the world of the dead. The Kayan believed that a tattoo is like a “torch” in the world of spirits and that without it they would be engulfed in utter darkness. They believed that only tattooed women were able to bathe in the legendary Julan river and collect the pearls that lay on its bed, while the Biajau were convinced that in paradise tattoos turn into gold and take the place of clothing. There’s no doubt that tattooing was thought to confer great beauty. Young Kayan girls were probably comforted – while undergoing the torment of the tattooist’s needles – by the legend of the pheasant, which was believed to have been tattooed, at the dawn of time, by a caucal (a tropical bird similar to a pheasant) and to have become the most beautiful bird in the forest, instead of staying the dull, insignificant creature it originally was. The number of tattoos Kayan women had depended on their standing. A young slave was only allowed a single line along her legs, drawn freehand and called “Ida teloo” (three lines). A young girl, if free but of humble extraction, could wear a slightly more elaborate tattoo, called an “Ida-pat” (four lines), whereas the daughter of a chief would have highly elaborate tattoos on her forearms, on the backs of her hands, on her legs (from the top of the thighs down to the knees) and on the tops of the feet.

The whole operation, beginning when a girl was 8-10, usually took around four years. The tattooist, always a woman for the girls, was highly respected in society and paid generously for her services. The tools she used were simple – two or three wooden sticks each with three or four steel needles stuck to the end with resin, and an iron hammer. The pigment was obtained by mixing soot scraped off the bottom of a metal pot, with water and sugar cane juice. Before tattooing the more complicated designs a sort of stamp was used, a tablet of wood delicately carved by the community’s craftsmen. The tattooist smeared the stamp with pigment and “printed” the pattern on the girl’s skin. Then, adding pigment as necessary, she’d follow the out line left by the stamp and perforate the skin by tapping the needles with the hammer.
The entire operation proceeded according to precise ritual. The ninth day after new moon was considered a propitious time to start. The girl’s brothers had to be in attendance, taking turns, and special food was prepared every day for the girl and the tattooist. The work was in pre-established stages, often with long intervals between one and another. The back and backs of the hands were tattooed first, then the tops of the feet, the forearms and lastly the thighs to just below the knees. The arms were divided into longitudinal sections, bands containing the following symbolic patterns: concentric circles, spirals, two concentric circles representing two full moons joined together (the most important motif), a series of horizontal zig-zags, entwined tree roots, a tuba, the ribs of a boat and the “Kayan hook”, two linked spirals.
Tattoos could vary from person to person but certain figures were always put in the same position. The symbol representing the roots of the tuba, for example, was always placed in the top half of the arm (women used these poisonous roots to catch fish). The design considered most important was the two full moons. Interestingly, each band always contained a small detail preventing it from being perfectly symmetrical. The back of the thigh was usually decorated with a linear pattern, the number of lines making up the pattern depending on the girl’s social standing. The front and side parts were completely covered by the patterns described above, often embellished or modified, including the following: Balalat lukut, Tinggang, Hornbill, Silong, “Tailless dog” (only in the Rajang area). The final leg tattooing session – decoration of the kneecap – was particularly solemn because considered the conclusion of the whole operation.

Many sources concur that in the 19th century Kayan men wore few tattoos. Head hunters had tattoos on the backs of their hands and fingers and anyone who took part in such proceedings was allowed to decorate a finger or thumb. Certain small motifs were sometimes tattooed on the wrist, forearm, thighs, chest or shoulders. It was a Kayan custom for men to tie a sacred seed to the wrist as a charm against disease. A symbolic representation of this seed, the Lukut, was often tattooed on the wrist for the same purpose.
A stylized rose (rosette) or star was tattooed on the chest or shoulders. The so-called “dog” motif was tattooed on the forearm and thigh. Some anthropologists sustain that the rose and the star are both derived from the dog motif and represent the animal’s eye, others that the spirals that hook up and usually form the centre of the “rosette” and the “lukut” are in fact based on the Chinese yin and yang symbol. Of the “dog” design, Sharon Thomas wrote the following in the Sarawak Museum Journal in 1968:
“People tell me that the animal…. isn’t a dog but an animal that’s now extinct. It used to live in the jungle or the river, it was very big and ate men. ….. It would be more precise to call it a dragon”.
In this connection, it’s worth remembering that the Burmese (or Shans) used to tattoo themselves with a representation of a monster to ward off evil. Other ethnic groups in Borneo had their own traditional tattoo designs but by the 19th century they’d abandoned them all and adopted the Kayan style. The Kenowit – originally a tribe of pirates inhabiting the banks of the upper Rajng and with a penchant for plundering villages downstream – were extensively tattooed, in a way “strongly resembling armour plating”. The Kenowit used to tattoo their faces as well, like the Bakatan, who belonged to the same ethnic stock as the Kenowit and tattooed the chin and lower part of the cheeks and sometimes a rosette on the forehead for rapid identification in battle. The most original characteristic of their tattooing was that they used to cover their bodies with “negative” tattoos, the patterns being formed by the skin in its natural colouring while the background was a heavy black. This body decoration took years to complete. Every time a warrior distinguished himself for bravery in battle, he would add a new tattoo. So only the bravest got to be completely tattooed.

The various motifs used by the Biaijau – another ethnic group on the south west coast symbolized not only courage in battle and successful headhunting but also skills and craftsmanship, such as carving, or success in love. Particularly interesting is the “naga” tattoo on the stomach, with a traditional Chinese dragon’s head, sporting long sharp teeth, tongue out and a horn on its forehead.
The Dusun aborigines used to wear a decorated band, two inches wide, from the shoulder to the stomach and on the forearm a perpendicular stripe for each enemy killed. Their neighbours, the Muruts, used to record the number of enemies killed in the same way and would tattoo a black square on the backs of warriors guilty of fleeing from the field of battle. One tribe that maintained their original traditions were the Kelabits, inhabitants of the northern plains. The men limited themselves to stripes on their arms, while the women decorated their arms and legs with geometrical figures, zig zags and Vs. It is thought that the Iban only started tattooing around 1890 but they immediately showed such exuberance in the practice that they were described by the Sarawak Gazette in 1907 as the “most extensively tattooed tribe in Borneo”. Malcom MacDonald has given us the following description of Temonggong Koh, an Iban chief he met in 1947: “Apart from his distinguished expression, the most noticeable physical attribute was the backs of his hands, which were completely blue, from his wrists to the base of the fingernails. This decoration had an honourable meaning, as it showed he was a great head hunter. Originally, hunters were entitled to tattoo one phalange for every head they cut, so with every new head the hunter would colour a new phalange black-blue. Chief Temonggong Koh had all his fingers, including his thumbs, covered with those honourable signs”.
We can’t tell for sure if the symbols on his hands gave an exact count of his human victims or whether the community he headed had merely allowed him to exaggerate with those symbols. Anyway, even if the symbols and their
positioning didn’t have a particular meaning, the tattoo in itself certainly did. They indicated that the wearer had taken part in a Bijalai, an important custom amongst the Iban, consisting in a journey the men had to make to obtain material gain and social prestige. It might entail spending months in the jungle cutting rattan (used to make chairs, sticks, etc.) or even a number of years working in a distant city. A man returning from his bijalai had to bring home a trophy – such as a gong or a rifle – and thus earned the right to be tattooed, an operation usually carried out before actually getting home.

Iban tattoos:
- Calf muscle: usually “Kowit” hooks, a sign that indicated the reaching of puberty.
- Shoulders: a rosette (“bunga trong”, “tandan buah”, “buah andu” or “ringgit saliling”).
- Thighs and arms: a “kala” scorpion, symbolizing a
journey.
- Back: rosettes, also symbolizing a journey.
- Throat: a “katak” frog (derived from the Bakatan “hooks“), an imitation of the “burong lang” (war god) signs on the throat.
- Backs of hands: large tattoos or linear decorations. Symbols of success as a head hunter.
The Iban “war god” is a symbolic bird called “burong singalang” but it’s masked by “burong lang”, which can be a falcon or a kite with signs on the throat similar to the “katak” of the Iban.
Iban women were also tattooed though not very extensively. The most common tattoo was a “bracelet” around an arm, probably indicating having been cured of a illness. They rarely tattooed their throats like men. Tattoos on the backs of their hands indicated skill in weaving, which was considered a worthy enterprise, much as cutting enemies’ heads off was for men.
The Ibans’ lifestyle has undergone many changes in recent years. Certain customs, such as the “bijalai”, have survived anyway and some Ibans still tattoo themselves with the sign that represents it. The throat tattoo has stayed the same, like many other Iban tattoo motifs. The same rosettes can be seen today on shoulders and backs and more or less recognizable scorpions on legs and arms.
A lot of new motifs have been introduced, including ships and aeroplanes, often accompanied by the names of places visited. Men also get themselves tattoos in the style of the places they visit, where possible. A tattoo on the back of a hand nowadays probably means that a man has been to Thailand on his bijalai and not that he’s cut someone’s head off.

by Luisa Gnecchi Ruscone

Tattoo Life

Punan

2009-12-05T02:34:00.002+08:00

Punan Bah or Punan^[1] is an ethnic group found in Sarawak, Malaysia. They are distinct, unrelated to the Penan and also the other so called Punan found in Kalimantan the Indonesian part of Borneo. Their name stems from two rivers along the banks of which they have been living time immemorial. They do have other names - Mikuang Bungulan or Mikuang and Aveang Buan. But these terms are only used ritually these days.

The Punan (or Punan Bah) have never been nomad. In the old days they base their living on a mixed economy. Swidden agriculture with hill paddy as the main crop, supplemented by a range of tropical plants which include maniok, taro, sugar cane, tobacco, etc. Hunting especially wild boar, fishing, and gathering of forest resources are the other important factors in their economy.

However, in the late 1980s many Punan, notably the younger, more educated, gradually migrating to urban areas such as Bintulu, Sibu, Kuching and Kuala Lumpur in search of better living. However, they didn't abandon their longhouses altogether. Many would still return home - especially during major festivities such as Harvest Festival / or Bungan festival as it is known among Punan.

Punan is a stratified society of 'laja' (aristocrats), 'panyen' (commoners), and 'lipen' (slaves). This is a fact determine their historical traditions that have been preserved. Just like most of the history of European Middle Ages is linked to and mainly concerned the various ruling monarchs, so are the historical and mythical traditions of Punan closely connected to their rulings aristocrats.

CEREMONIAL BATHING OF THE CHILD

2009-12-03T00:42:00.001+08:00

Following the traditional naming of the child, the parents begin to think of giving the child a ceremonial bath at a river. Unless this is done with offerings, the child cannot yet be merely allowed to be bathed at the river. On the eve of the festival, the child’s father must get his longhouse mates to assemble at his common room, and inform them of the proposed celebration. All the people at the longhouse are requested to be at home the following day to observe the ceremony. Those who stay at their farm huts are also called back for the occasion.

Early the following morning, the longhouse dwellers start to go down to the river in a procession led by a flag-bearer. He is immediately followed by a man who carries a fowl. The two men are chosen from the influential personality of the longhouse because the flag-bearer will be tasked to slice the water with a nyabor sword (other type of traditional sword would be used if nyabor sword is not available) while the man who carries the fowl will recite an invocation prior to the slicing of the water.

Note: Nyabor sword is the ultimate Iban warrior’s weapon that can only be made by those warriors who have killed an enemy in battle. It is considered a taboo for ordinary people to make such weapon. It’s special identity is the “Butoh Kunding” design at the ricasso lower shoulder of the sword.

They are followed by two women, walking in line one after the other. The first lady bears offerings while the second carries the baby in a sling with a hand woven blanket (pua kumbu belantan or lebor api). These two women are also selected from among the most productive and fortunate breed amongst the longhouse ladies. Next in line are the other ordinary people and they are immediately followed by those who continuously beat the musical percussion throughout the event. Their purpose is to drown away any sound made by unfavorable omen birds during the ceremony.

On arrival at the river, the appointed man starts to recite the following invocation:

“Where are you, Seragindi, the maker of water?
Where are you, Seragindah, the creator of earth?
Where are you, Seragindong, the maker of cape?
Where are you, Seragindee, the creator of day?
Where are you, Seragindit, the maker of sky?”

“This morning we are giving so and so (the child’s name is then mentioned at this juncture) a bath in accordance with our tradition. We beseech thee to confer on him fortune, Give him sharp vision, So that he will be fortunate and wealthy in his life.”

“Where are you the king of fish, the king of gemian (a kind of sea fish).
Where are you the king of semah, the king of tapah (two kinds of river fish).
Where are you the king of soft shelled turtle, the super natural king of turtle.
Where are you, the king of barbus macrolepidoius, the king of fish called kulong?
Where are you the king of crocodile, the king of soft-shelled turtle?”

“If in future if this child, grandchildren of ours, happens to capsize and sink, when he is on his journey, We beseech thee to lift him up and keep him afloat, so that he can convalesce and recuperate and free from any danger and risk.”

“Oh Hoi! Oh Hoi! Oh Hoi!
Sa, Dua, Tiga, Empat, Lima, Enam, Tuuuuuuujoh.
Ni kita Seragindi ke dulu ngaga ai ke bepati enda sebaka nanga?
Ni kita Seragindah ke dulu ngaga tanah ke betingkah nyadi kerapa?
Ni kita Seragindong ke dulu ngaga tanjong betuntong dua?
Ni kita Seragindie ke dulu ngaga hari ke terunji petang kelita?
Ni kita Seragindit ke dulu ngaga langit nungkat neraja?

Nyadi pagi tu kami meri bala anak kami mandi.
Kami endang nitih ka pekat, nitih ka adat.
Kami endang nitih ka adat kelia, adat menya.
Kami endang nitih ka adat aki, nitih ka adat ini kami.
Nya alai kami minta sida iya bidik, minta sida lansik.
Kami minta sida kaya, minta sida raja,
Kami minta sida iya jelai rita, tampak nama.
Kami minta sida lantang, minta sida senang.
Kami minta sida iya pandai, jauh pejalai.

Oh Ha!
Ni kita Raja Ikan, Raja Gamian?
Ni kita Raja Tapah, Raja Semah?
Ni kita Raja Adong, Raja Kulong?
Ni kita Raja Genali, Raja Lelabi?
Ni kita Raja Gumba, Raja Baya?

Kami ngasoh kita nyaga, ngasoh kita ngemata,
Kami ngasoh kita meda, ngasoh kita ngila,
Ngasoh kita ngiching, ngasoh kita merening,
Ngasoh kita nyukong, ngasoh kita nulong.
Nyangka ka dudi hari ila anak telesak,
Uchu ambu kami tu bisi bejalai, bisi nyemberai,
bisi karam, bisi tengelam.
Kami minta kita nanggong,
minta kita melepong ka sida.
Kami ngasoh kita nyagu,
minta kita ngintu sida.
Awak ka sida pulai nyamai, pulai gerai,
Pulai lantang, pulai senang,
Pulai nadai apa, nadai nama.”

Upon the conclusion of reciting the invocation, the flag-bearer then slices the water with his knife, symbolizing the child’s life will be blessed, pure and flow continuously until it reaches its final destination. He then slaughters a fowl a bit further upstream from the spot where the woman is bathing the baby so that the fowl blood may flow towards the child.

When the child is being bathed, the onlookers hilariously make a lot of noise. At this juncture, the gongs are not normally beaten loudly but if the children wish to hit them hard, they are permitted to do so in order to drown any of the sounds made by omen birds, which are either ominous or foretell good fortune.

After the baby has been bathed, and if he is a boy, one of the wings of the slaughtered fowl is then hung on to a shaft of a multi-pronged spear (gansai), tied with a red ribbon. If the baby is a girl, the wing is fastened on to a heddle rod used by ladies in their weaving work. Placed near to the wing of the fowl is the offering which is being put inside a rough bamboo basket (Kalingkang), and hung from the top of the bamboo that still bears leaves.

The people return home after the ceremony held beside the river is over. On their way back, the procession maintain the same order as before. The gongs are being played loudly to avoid hearing the sounds made by omen birds.

On arrival at the longhouse, the child, is wrapped up and held by the mother in her lap as she sits on a large gong placed at the middle of the gallery. A Bebiau ceremony then conducted to cast away any bad omen and to bless the child. The child is then sprinkled with water. The water which the child is being sprinkled with is the water of a stone crystal (batu kuai) that possesses the power to wipe out bad omens brought about by the omen birds. This stone crystal is placed on a large antique china plate together with dollars coins, a gold ring and rain water poured on the same plate.

After the casting away of bad omen and the water sprinkling ceremony is over, the people then begin to eat various kinds of food and drinks prepared by the host like buns, rice wine, liquor and other traditional food. Later, a luncheon is held at the child’s family gallery for the guest and this is termed as the child’s bathing ceremony luncheon.

*source ; GN Mawar Iban Cultural Heritage

Bujang Timpang Berang

2009-09-25T01:27:00.003+08:00

We drove to Betong for a coffee time one afternoon,just to drink at a different town,than just at a coffee shop in Kuching.

Did some fishing...get a great experience of watching the 'head' of Benak (tidal bore=an abrupt rise of tidal water moving rapidly inland from the mouth of an estuary.), which happens very rare in Btg. Layar,Betong.

And of course,we visited the legendary cannon 'Bujang Timpang Berang' at the District Office.

This cannon was use by the warrior Rentap in battles against the White Rajah army from around 1850's until his last battle at Bukit Sadok in 1861.

The missing 'shoulder',which where it get its name from.

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2009-08-29T23:21:00.003+08:00

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The Journey of Matthew Minarchek

2009-08-29T04:07:00.000+08:00

Between 15 August and 25 August 2008, I visited the Iban community of Sungai Pelaik located on the periphery of Danau Sentarum National Park in West Kalimantan and development in Indonesia. What follows is a brief sketch of the community.

I traveled from the coastal city of Pontianak via overnight bus to Sintang, about twelve hours up the Kapuas River. In Sintang, I stopped by the Danau Sentarum National Park headquarters to gain entry permits for the park and discuss the research with park staff. The following morning I took a local minibus for seven hours to Semitau located near Danau Sentarum National Park. From Semitau, I entered the park by speedboat, passing through numerous Melayu villages and eventually arrived at the Sungai Pelaik longhouse.

The Iban longhouse is located on the Pelaik River just upstream from the lakes region, about two hours by speedboat from the Melayu village of Laboyan, depending on water leveis. Sungai Pelaik is a 9-door longhouse with 43 residents, and one family of four lives in a neighboring house. The longhouse was constructed at the current location in 2002 and is situated just a few kilometers from the old site. The residents use Iban adat and the annual gawai is still practiced every July. Most commonly the men of Sungai Pelaik leave the village upon marriage and join the household of the wife and the opposite is true of the women, but one of the male residents had stayed after marrying and his wife moved to Pelaik. At the time of my visit, ten residents were working wage labor jobs in Malaysia and a few of the children were in Lanjak for school. It is common in this community for whole families to travel to Sarawak for work and oftentimes families will move there for up to ten months.

I arrived during the dry season and fishing was the main activity for the residents throughout my stay. Villagers woved fishing traps (bubu ikan), fishing nets (nyala ikan), baskets for carrying the fish, and carved pronged fishing spears (jerpak ikan). Throughout the days, both men and women traveled downstream to the lake to check the fish traps or take dugout canoes out for net fishing, and then returned back to the longhouse to clean their catch for drying or to prepare for dinner. To take advantage of the low waters during the dry season, the community partnered with the Melayu village of Nanga Telatap for jakat. Jakat may be described as the following activity. In the early morning, the villagers of Pelaik loaded fishing nets, food, and drinks into their dugouts and paddled out into the lake to meet the residents of Nanga Telatap. All the canoes then moved into a circle formation around a large pole sticking 15 feet out of the water. After the dugouts were in place and the signal had been given, cheers quickly erupted and everyone paddled their canoe as quickly as possible towards the center pole and then cast their nets into the water. The movement of the watercrafts and pounding of the paddles into the lake caused the fish to flood toward the pole in the middle and all the fisher folks' nets emerged out of the water full of fish. After a few more casts, the nets were emptied into the hull of the dugouts and then the boats slowly dispersed. The Pelaik longhouse residents made their way back to the longhouse and the freshly caught fish were sorted by species and then cleaned for drying and cooking. Delicious fish was then grilled over a small fire in celebration of the catch and eaten with rice and a homemade sambal was another of the main activities within the longhouse and women wove traditional textiles such as pua' and tanun, fabrics used in ceremonies or for clothing. Plant material was collected from the surrounding forest to make dyes for the cotton string that would soon be woven on the wooden loom. Rattan was also harvested and used to make floor mats and baskets for use in the longhouse. Some of the floor mats, weavings, and baskets were being sold to buyers in West Kalimantan and Java for supplemental income.

Due to the remote location of the Sungai Pelaik longhouse, electricity from a central grid network is inaccessible. Two of the apartments own diesel generators and produce electricity in the evenings for a few hours when fuel is available. In 2007, a micro-hydro electricity scheme was built on the Pelaik River just upstream from the longhouse. The project produced electricity for all the apartments of the longhouse for nearly a year. However, at the time of this study, the small-scale hydro project had encountered a few problems and the two operators were working to get the system running again. The operators were two residents of the longhouse who were trained to maintain the system throughout the development process. The project was facilitated by the Center for International Forestry Research and Riak Bumi, a Pontianak- based nongovernmental organization. CIFOR initiated an adaptive collaborative management approach and both organizations continue to work with the local people to repair the project. The alternative energy system provided a renewable electricity source for the community and allowed every apartment within the longhouse access to electricity. At the time of writing the micro-hydro system is producing electricity for the longhouse again and it appears the dry season and the low water levels may have affected the project.

Note: This preliminary survey was funded by a Luce Grant from the Center for International Studies at Ohio University.

Matthew Minarchek

Master's Candidate, Ohio University

Papan turai....a small part

2009-08-10T01:07:00.001+08:00

The history of the Iban is committed to memory and recorded in a system of writing on boards (papan turai) by the initiated shamans (lemambang). Elaborate genealogies go back to 15 generations or more with a surprising degree of accuracy. Some genealogies are as long as 25 generations and can still be connected with actual places and incidents. A genealogy (tusut) normally begins with the most remote ancestor and is a list of who married and begat whom. Sometimes, the ancestors are characterised in short descriptions. Other songs contain historical information as well, for example the pengap, a ritual chant sung during each major festival, that recounts deities and the deeds of the ancestors.

According to oral histories, the Iban arrived in western Sarawak from Indonesia about 1675. After an initial phase of colonising and settling the river valleys, displacing or absorbing the local populations of Bukitans and Serus, a phase of internecine warfare began. Local leaders were forced to resist the tax collectors of the Malay sultans (Brunei). At the same time, Malay influence is felt, and Iban leaders begin to be known by Malay titles like Orang Kaya. Several of the Malays active on the river-estuaries claimed to be descendants of the prophet, like Indra Lela, Sharif Japar and Sharif Sahap. Sharif Ahmit was killed by the Iban. The Bajau and Illanun, coming in galleys from the Philippines plundered in Borneo and were fought by the Iban, for example by the famous Lebor Menoa from Entanak near modern Betong. Oral history recounts how Lebor Menoa encountered Chinese traders who came in ships to the Saribas in order to sell cooking pots, brass pots, pottery bowls, shell armlets and cowry shells for padi. Besides that, the Ibans were also engaged with the Orang Ulu of northern Sarawak, the Bidayuh of southern Sarawak, the Kantu and other Indonesian ethnic tribes from eastern Sarawak. They managed to control the eastern coastline of Sarawak.

The Malay leader Indra Lela, brother of Lela Wangsa of Lingga and Lela Pelawan incited the Saribas and Skrang Ibans to warfare against the Sebuyau Dayaks in order to control them. The Saribas were led by Orang Kaya Pemancha Dana of the Padeh, in alliance with Linggir of Paku[1] (Mali Lebu), Bunyau of Entanak and Bulan of Ulu Layar. The Skrang were led by Rentap (Libau), Orang Kaya Gasing and Orang Kaya Ra. About 1834, the Skrang made a raid on Banting Hill, inhabited by Balau Dayaks and Malays, who suffered heavy losses. Three years later, Orang Kaya Pemancha Dana made war on the Undup Ibans who had killed his brother, and utterly defeated them, taking many captives and looting a famous guchi jar that was thought to have magical properties. The surviving Undup Ibans took refuge in the Kapuas valley and Lingga and later settled in the area of Salimbau. Only under the rule of Brooke did they return to Banting hill, which had meanwhile been settled by the Skrang.

The Sebuyau Sea Dayaks under Orang Kaya Temenggong Jugah of Lundu attacked Paku on the Saribas at about the time. He attacked Matop, and most inhabitants fled. Ca. 1838, the Balau Sea Dayaks raided the Saribas, Krian, a place east of the Saribas, and Skrang under the leadership of Lang and his son-in-law Orang Kaya Janting to avenge their previous losses and revenge for their disturbed peace and harmonies lives. As before the Balau Sea Dayak never has make any engagement with any ethnics since they are just a farmers and lives in a peace and prosperity until the attacked of Saribas and Skrang Iban.

The Iban fell under the rule of Rajah James Brooke in 1835. The Iban leader Libau (Rentap) resisted Brooke from his fortress on Mount Sadok. The Ibans of Lingga, the Undup Ibans and the Sebuyau fought for Brooke. Those groups of Iban or sea Dayak are known as traitors to Iban people. Ironically, Rentap received full support from Balau Sea Dayak in his missions against Rajah rather than his own sub ethnics.

Thereafter the Iban became vital allies of the Brooke dynasty, with the defeat of both Rentap and later the last rebel leader Asun. Warfare between Dayak peoples continued to be an intermittent problem for the regime until the Great Peacemaking in Kapit in 1924, when the Rajah Vyner also consolidated the support of the Iban by appointing one of their great war heroes Koh Anak Jubang (1870-1956) Temenggong or paramount chief. Koh became a member of the advisory council of the state, the Council Negri, and converted to Christianity in 1949. He was awarded the Queen's Medal for Chiefs and the Order of the British Empire.

During the Japanese occupation of Sarawak from 1942-5 the Iban also played a role in guerilla warfare against the occupying forces, particularly in the Kapit Division where headhunting was temporarily revived towards the end of the war. At this time Sarawak came under the temporary military administration of the Australian forces, who were particularly prominent in the liberation of Borneo.The Rentap says that he will be anywhere although besides or behind IBAN and be like our god.Like he says"AGI IDUP AGI NGELABAN" and that mean that if he still life, he still attack"

The Coming of the Gods: An Iban Invocatory Chant of the Baleh River Region, Sarawak

2009-07-22T00:43:00.002+08:00

by Peter Metcalf

MASING, JAMES JEMUT. Two volumes. Canberra: Department of Anthropology, Research School of Pacific Studies, Australian National University, 1997. 598 pages. Maps, figures, tables, glossaries, references. Paper $A45.00 (overseas price for both volumes).

The production of this text is a saga in itself, one that has taken half a century to unfold. It begins in 1949, not long after the last Rajah ceded Sarawak to the British Crown. In a remote Iban community, Derek Freeman attended a longhouse festival focussed on a cosmic journey recounted by the lemembang, or bard, Igoh anak Impin. Impressed by Igoh's poetic genius, but lacking a tape recorder, Freeman arranged for the bard to repeat the entire cycle of songs, dictating line by line to a literate Iban, Patrick Ringkai. Over several years, Freeman made annotations to this manuscript, even after Igoh himself had converted to Christianity. In 1976 Freeman recruited James Jemut Masing, recently returned from a university in New Zealand, to undertake a translation of the text. Masing's work earned him a doctorate from the Australian National University. Now finally published in a handsomely produced two-volume set from the same institution, it represents a priceless contribution to world literature.
The text itself makes up the whole of the second volume, 219 pages of Iban transcription, each matched by English translation on the facing page. It falls into eight parts, episodes in the travels and headhunting adventures of the divine hero Lang Singalong Burong, plus a ninth episode collected by Masing at a later date. There is little exegetical material, nothing more than a c...

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July 22 tsunami, quake warning just a prank

2009-07-16T00:26:00.000+08:00

By Emmanuelle Landais Staff Reporter
Published: June 28, 2009, 23:14

Dubai: Bathers and coastal residents need not worry about an e-mail that was circulated on the internet warning of a tsunami that would take place on July 22, 2009. It's a hoax.

Gulf News reader Fatima Lamya, received the e-mail forwarded to her by a cousin. "I was actually 99 per cent sure that this mail is fake. I was not scared. I got this mail from my cousin and I think he got this from his friend. Many fake news is spreading like this," she said.

The e-mail appears to come from someone sincere and caring.

"I just wanted to let you know that please stay away from the beaches all around in the month of July. There is a prediction that there will be another tsunami or earthquake hitting on 22 July 2009. It is also when there will be sun eclipse," reads the e-mail.

According to a forecaster at the Dubai Meteorological Office, predictions like this are totally unreliable as the weather cannot be forecast that far into the future.

"It sounds like a complete load of rubbish. You cannot predict so far ahead and tsunamis are not linked to sun eclipses," the forecaster said.

The e-mail states that Malaysia including Sabah and Sarawak, Singapore, Maldives, Australia, Mauritius, Sri Lanka, India, Indonesia, and the Philippines are going to be badly hit.

Several websites which serve to quash rumours and suppress urban legends have posted confirmations that the tsunami warning is a hoax.

Snopes.com concludes that scientists who have spent their whole lives studying earthquakes still cannot predict when and where one will hit. Snopes.com says the e-mail started circulating in April 2009 and has been taken from a blog.

Giant wave: Looking back

On December 26, 2004, an undersea earthquake with an epicentre off the west coast of Sumatra, Indonesia triggered a series of tsunami along the coast of most land masses bordering the Indian Ocean, killing more than 225,000 people in 11 countries.

The tremor, known as the Sumatra-Andaman earthquake, is the second largest earthquake ever recorded with a magnitude of between 9.1 and 9.3.

Rentap,the 'Shaker of the world'

2009-07-01T00:14:00.003+08:00

Rentap or Libau (died 1863) was a famous Dayak (Iban) warrior in Sarawak, Malaysia during the Brooke White Rajahs era in that state. "Rentap" in Iban means "Shaker of the world". He was known as "Raja Darat" or "Raja Ulu". Essentially, Rentap's rebellion was due to the White Rajah's or James Brooke's action of eliminating the Ibans in Skrang because he thought they were pirates. Being a leader of the Ibans there, Rentap took the subsequent action of attacking James Brooke's fort at Skrang River called Nanga Skrang. James' then burnt Rentap's village after he successfully drove James Brooke's side out of Skrang. He retreated to Bukit Sadok and built himself a fort after a defeat at Sungai Lang, Ulu Skrang by James Brooke in the year 1854. There he gained a reputation and thwarted many plans by James Brooke to control the Skrang and Saribas areas. Only after many attempts and with the aid of bigger cannons did James Brooke defeat Rentap in the year 1861. Though defeated, Rentap never officially surrendered. He retreated to Sungai Entabai and died in same place. In Malaysia, he is not only renowned in Sarawak, but he is also a national hero in both Sabah and the Peninsula as both a national hero and a freedom fighter.

A very good book about Rentap by James Ritchie

Another good book by Harry Usup Umbar

Hornbills Buceros in Borneo: Can they continue to co-exist?

2009-06-27T17:36:00.002+08:00

Helmeted Buceros vigil and rhinoceros B. rhinoceros hornbills are large, conspicuous birds in the forests of northern Borneo. Both are of enormous importance in local culture, being the subject of legends, ceremonies and beliefs. Tail feathers of both species are used in traditional costumes and dancing. Both are also hunted for their meat. Changes in access, technology and rural lifestyles mean that hunting is causing populations to decline or become locally extinct. The birds breed slowly and occur at low natural densities. Thus, hunting levels must be extremely low to be sustainable. A single team of traditional dancers uses about 400 rhinoceros hornbill feathers, which involves killing 40 birds. To hunt these sustainably, and to re-supply new feathers every five years, about 205 km² of forest is needed. Hunting levels currently exceed this in almost all forests in northern Borneo. A series of measures is needed to ensure that these birds survive in Borneo's forests, and not just in legend and in the form of a few decaying artefacts.

Sex involve in Ngayap?

2009-06-16T20:00:00.004+08:00

According to Padoch (1982:p92-3)

“The exact age of Iban at first sexual union is a topic difficult to explore, partially because of the usual reticence of women to discuss the subject, but mostly because of the impossibility of determining precise chronological ages. It is probable that among women in the Engkari region, courtship commences at about sixteen or seventeen years of age, while among men a somewhat later age, of eighteen or nineteen, is indicated. I have found no reason to assume that ages at which courtship begins in Bintulu are different. Whether there has been any change over time in the ages at which young Iban begin to court is uncertain. Several older women assured me that the age at first courting has declined, but there is no possible way of verifying this allegation”.

Gomes (1911)

“The mode of courtship among the Dyaks is peculiar. No courting goes on by day, but at night, when all is quiet, a young lover creeps to the side of the curtain of his lady-love, and awakes her. The girls sleep apart from their parents--sometimes in the same room, but more often in the loft. He presents her with a roll of sireh leaf, in which is wrapped the betel-nut ingredients the Dyaks love to chew. […] This nightly courtship is, in fact, the only way a man and woman can become acquainted with each other, for such a thing as privacy during the day is quite unknown in a Dyak house. If the girl be pleased with her lover, he remains with her until close upon daybreak, when he leaves with her some article as a pledge of his honour, such as a bead necklace, or ring, or a headkerchief, or anything else which he may have about him. This act of leaving some gift with the girl is considered as a betrothal between the two parties, and the man who refuses to marry the girl after doing so is considered guilty of breach of promise of marriage, and liable, according to Dyak law, to a fine”.

Komanyi (1973:p81-2): “An Iban girl may marry when she is fifteen or sixteen years old. Now, however, as educational opportunities improve, marriages tend to occur at a slightly later age, such as eighteen to twenty-two. A period of courtship, called ngajap , which is a uniquely Iban custom, precedes the betrothal”.

Padoch:

“The traditional Iban patterns of courtship (ngayap) , which involve nocturnal visiting of women by men, are a topic mentioned frequently by earlier writers (Roth 1896,I:109-11), among whom there is disagreement on the frequency or occurrence of sexual intercourse during the visiting. A more recent account of the practice (Beavitt 1967), and all informants I encountered, concurred that sexual relations take place often, although not always. It is reported that ngayap is now being replaced among someIban groups, particularly those converted to Christianity, by other forms of courtship not involving sexual union (Beavitt 1967:p409-10). However, the traditional form prevailed in all the communities that were studied during the period of field research”.

“... when a girl reaches maturity, and if there is a suitor, her parents will arrange for her to settle down. Normally, an Iban girl marries when she is seventeen years of age. When a girl attains her spinsterhood, her mother teaches her the ways employed to protect herself. She must be taught to behave and speak courteously to boys who court her at night. She is aware that it has been a tradition for a boy to court a girl. However, the question of getting her to offer herself to the boy depends very much on the girl herself, because he cannot force her to give consent unless they love each other through his kindness and winning ways. These are secretly explained to her by her mother. The mother also emphasises the methods in which her daughter can judge whether or not the boy is sincere enough to marry her”

Ritual terms used in Adat Iban

2009-06-16T01:08:00.002+08:00

Definition of some ritual terms used in Adat Iban 1993
(A.J.N. Richards’ 1981 Iban-English Dictionary has been used as a guide in the definitions of these ritual terms)

"Ngambi Tebalu" means performing a ritual cere-mony for the release of a widow or widower from the restriction or prohibition of widowhood or widower-hood. During the gathering the deceased's relatives shall declare in public, the appropriate ritual fees for the purpose in accordance with the social standing of the deceased. The fee is not less than 4 Mungkul but not more than 60 Mungkul.

"Ngayap" means a custom of courtship in a form of night visit by an unmarried man to an unmarried woman in the latter's room.

"Ngeragai" means to leave the house unroofed.

"Nujah Menua" or "Ngudi Menua" means to spoil the area by committing crime, like incest or gross indecency which will bring-calamity or disaster to the area.

"Nyadap" means extracting a bamboo shoot from its clump, or one or more pieces of banana from the bunch while the palm still stands.

"Nyakap" means to throw a challenge at someone by word or action to arouse ill-feeling.

"Nyelai" means lopping a bunch of banana while the palm still stands

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2009-06-11T20:16:00.005+08:00

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Pua Kumbu of Sarawak

2009-06-09T20:43:00.002+08:00

Southeast Asia has had a long history of producing local vegetable fibre textiles and later, locally grown handspun cotton textiles introduced by early traders from the Indian subcontinent. As Srivijaya evolved into a Maritime kingdom in the 7 th century, merchants from India, China, Persia and Arab came to trade on Malay soil. Among other goods, they brought silk threads, gold and textiles for trade. The new textiles and materials provided a new dimension to weaving in Malaysia. When Europeans arrived in Melaka towards the late 14 th century, the frame loom was introduced.

In the early centuries of maritime trading, Indian traders brought the back-strap loom to Southeast Asia and introduced cotton as an alternative to bark-cloth textile. This primitive back-strap loom requires little effort in setting up. There is no rigid framework thus; the warp beam can be set up wherever there are two parallel upright poles. Often women are seen working at the verandah, in between house and field chores. The back-strap loom is portable, which befits the nomadic requirements and simplistic lifestyle of these communities. Most of the motifs and designs of the ancient forms of vegetable fibre textiles are connected to ceremonial rites and animistic values. Among the most renown and sought after textile are the cotton blankets called Pua Kumbu of the Iban tribe of Sarawak. The Iban tribe's lifestyle and beliefs are intricately woven into their textiles. As in many societies, weaving was always the work of women and her status in the community can be revealed from the type of motifs weaved. In the olden days, motifs with humanoid figures or anthromorphs (engkaramba) can only be weaved by wives and daughters of chiefs. These figures with raised arms and out-turned legs are representations of deities of the Iban's animistic religion and serves as a talisman to protect the wearer from danger as well as to ensure a bountiful harvest for the season. Although difficult to interpret, the motifs and colouring are usually inspired by the environment and reveal a lot about the Iban's rituals and beliefs. While most motifs are visual representations of animals, plants and even daily activities, others are more complex and abstract. Intricate patterns on the pua are often traditional and hereditary.

natural dyes

Kept as family heirlooms, these patterns are passed from mother to daughter. Like a personal stamp, the Iban women infuse much of their creativity in their weaving and decorative style. The most popular is the ikat or tie-and-die method. The warp patterns are created by selectively dyeing the longitudinal threads prior to weaving. This is also known as resist dyeing. When the dyed yarns are woven with a plain weft, the warped patterns emerge fuzzy and indistinct. To enhance the motifs, some weavers introduce embroidery, tapestry weaving, brocade weaving or supplementary weft embroidery. Old beliefs of misfortunes and death befalling upon them, however, kept weavers from straying from traditional motifs and methods of weaving.

Headhunting in Borneo

2009-06-07T21:32:00.002+08:00

In Sarawak, on the island of Borneo, the colonial dynasty of James Brooke and his descendants eradicated headhunting in the hundred years before World War II. There have been serious outbreaks of inter-ethnic violence on the island of Kalimantan since 1997, involving the indigenous Dayak peoples and immigrants from the island of Madura. In 2001 in the Central Kalimantan town of Sampit, at least 500 Madurese were killed and up to 100,000 Madurese were forced to flee. Some Madurese bodies were decapitated in a ritual reminiscent of the head-hunting tradition of the Dayaks of old.

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2009-06-06T21:31:00.001+08:00

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Penan,the nomad of Borneo.

2009-06-06T10:16:00.001+08:00

How do they live?
The Penan are nomadic hunter-gatherers. Although many have now been settled, about 300 Penan still lead a completely nomadic life in the forest. Even the settled Penan continue to rely heavily on the forest.

The Penan have a gentle and egalitarian society without any hierarchy. Sharing is taken for granted in Penan society: a hunter must not eat a single bite more than he gives to others, however small his prey.

The forest is essential to the Penan, providing them with everything they need to survive. In particular, they rely heavily on sago, which they use for building houses, making baskets and to eat – the Penan love to eat it fried in pig fat and mixed with blood.

What problems do they face?
Since the 1970s, all the tribal peoples of Sarawak have had their land taken to make way for logging, dam construction and oil palm plantations – driving them into towns where they are reduced to abject poverty. The Penan have been told by the government that they have no rights to land at all until they ‘settle down’ or start farming.

The logging industry has a particularly devastating impact. The Malaysian government claims that Sarawak is being logged sustainably – but in fact its forests are being destroyed at one of the fastest rates in the world.

As the forests are logged, the rivers are silted up, killing the fish. The game is being scared deeper into the few remaining forests. Since 1987, the Penan have been fighting back by blockading the logging roads – and suffering acute food shortages as a result.

Many Penan have been arrested for holding these peaceful blockades. Some have managed to prevent the companies from entering their land, but others have seen much of their forest devastated. Where all of the valuable trees have been cut down, the companies are starting to remove the forests completely in order to establish oil palm plantations.

Empalang...genital piercing of Borneo

2009-06-04T22:44:00.003+08:00

The empalang or ampallang is a form of male genital body piercing that penetrates horizontally through the entire glans of the penis. The piercing may betransurethral (passing through the urethra). A variant on this piercing is the shaft ampallang, which penetrates the shaft of his penis horizontally at any point along its length. A vertical piercing through the entire glans of the penis is known as an apadravya, and is a completely different piercing. The combination of an ampallang and an apadravya is sometimes referred to as the magic cross.

This is an advanced piercing, and the procedure can be extremely painful. Full healing usually takes between four and six months, but can take a year or more.

This piercing, once healed, is often extremely pleasurable to the bearer because it stimulates the internal penis tissues ^[1]. It can be sexually stimulating to the receiving partner during sexual intercourse, usually due to stimulation of the G spot

History and culture

Historically, this piercing was performed in various

Polynesian cultures, specifically the Dayak people of Borneo, who wore this and/or the apadravya (they don't usually distinguish between them) to emulate the rhino, which has a similarly equipped penis courtesy of nature.

Urban legend holds that an ampallang passing through the corpus cavernosum can leave the wearer bleeding to death, but this is not true unless the piercing is done as a dermal punching, in which case all bets are off and you are in for serious bleeding for weeks (although death is still an exaggeration).

This piercing originated by Bjorn Burke amongst the

Dayak people. In some cultures, having an ampallang may be seen as a pre-requisite for marriage. In contemporary society, it became popularized along with the many genital piercings practiced amongst the gay BDSM community prior to the establishment of the body piercing industry in the '80s and '90s. Due to its legitimate primitive origins, this piercing is closely associated with the modern primitive movement.

According to urban legend, should this piercing penetrate the corpus cavernosum penis, the recipient could bleed to death. This is not true, although should the piercing penetrate the corpus cavernosum, it may bleed even more heavily, both initially and during the healing process, than it normally would.

Placement

Standard ampallangs (versus shaft ampallangs) are done in one of two placements, either transurethral or not. A transurethral ampallang passes through the urethra. The advantage to this is that the urine helps keep the piercing clean, and because the piercing is effectively divided in half, it's almost like healing two shorter piercings. Also, piercing through the urethra makes this piercing less likely to migrate due to sexual use of the piercing. Some piercers believe that the non-urethral placement feels better for the client, but it also takes longer to heal and is more prone to rejection. Should the wearer also have a PA, this will likely result in hellacious pinching.

Procedure

The ampallang can be performed using either a standard clamp-and-pierce method, a freehand method, or a scalpelling method. For any method, proper jewelry size should be determined pre-procedure by measuring the penis while erect. The piercer should keep in mind the angle and placement of the jewelry when taking these measurements. Many piercers will also take this measurement and add a small amount to ensure that the jewelry is not too short. For this piercing in particular it is much easier to deal with jewelry that has too much room over jewelry that is too short. Also, it should be noted that piercings through the male glans are possibly the most painful piercings for a male to receive. This is not a piercing to enter into lightly and the discomfort level should not be mistaken for that of a Prince Albert Piercing or Frenum Piercing.

Clamp-and-Pierce

After acquiring appropriately sized jewelry, the area should be cleaned and prepped. This typically involves the use of a surgical scrub or similar. It is also common during this piercing to clean the front side of the scrotum in addition to the glans in order to eliminate problems with subsequent contact between the penis and scrotum. A single-use marking instrument should then be used to mark the placement of the piercing. At this point, the head of the penis is lightly clamped and the needle goes through the head. After piercing the tissue, the clamps are removed and the jewelry is transferred into the piercing. It is common for this piercing to bleed (sometimes heavily) for several minutes after the piercing. Many piercers will ensure that the bleeding is controlled and proceed to bandage the piercing to prevent staining of pants. Because the glans of the penis is a high blood flow area this piercing may also bleed in small amounts for several days after the procedure.

Freehand Method

The only change between the Freehand Piercing method and the clamp-and-pierce method is during the piercing of the head. Instead of clamping the tissue it is held firmly and carefully in one hand and pierced with the other.

Scalpelling Method

Scalpelling methods are often employed when starting an ampallang at 4 gauge or larger. Scalpelled piercings, especially of this nature, should be left to a well qualified practitioner.

Healing and aftercare

Ampallangs and apadravyas are generally considered the "toughest" male genital piercings. They are some of the most painful to get done, and can take, depending on the subject, between 2 and 6 months, or longer, to heal. A last warning: Withdrawing before going flaccid is a very good idea, and a very necessary one in some applications.

Long term health issues

A very important detail: this piercing, contrary to a tremendous amount of hype, is not a good choice for making most female partners happier. Good technique aside for a minute, the nature of the placement rules out direct pleasurable stimulation, and in fact has been known to be "catchy, irritating and just too much" for a good deal of people, never mind the possible hardships imposed on the back teeth and the soft palate. As with most piercings, these need to be left in, so seriously consider all possible outcomes before embarking on such a big journey.

Jewelery

The initial jewelry is almost always a straight barbell between 12 gauge and 8 gauge (although larger gauges are definitely possible, and this is sometimes done as a scalpelled piercing).

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2009-06-02T20:03:00.015+08:00

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Traditional Borneo Tattoos by Ernesto

2009-06-01T20:50:00.001+08:00

Traditional Borneo Tattoos by Ernesto

Borneo tattoo artist Ernesto founded Borneo Head Hunters Tattoo Studio in Kuching Sarawak in 1998. Borneo Headhunters Tattoo and Piercing Studio aims to promote the rich traditional art form of tattooing which has been an integral part of the Iban community for centuries. Here Ernesto gives us an insight into the rich culture and history of traditional Borneo tattoos.

Can you tell me a bit about your background?

Well, My name is Ernesto, of the Iban Tribal origin. I am the sole owner/founder of Borneo Headhunters Tattoo & Piercing Kuching, Sarawak, the one and only. I was born in Sibu, and lived in Kuching almost all of my life, my village or longhouse is located in the Upper rivers of Ulu Spak (rumah temedak ) in the Betong District.

You graduated with a Bachelors Degree in Law from the U.K. and it seems you became a tattoo artist quite by accident.

After high school, I worked at pizza hut as a delivery rider for almost a year ,and during the period I went for a interview for a position in a Local Bank here in Sarawak and then when I got the job I resigned from Pizza Hut and went to work in the Bank. I worked there for three and half years and after some time I realized that there I slowly realized that there was not a really bright future working in a bank and that I was in a routine day by day situation. And so I resigned in 1993.

After that I was looking into other things to do. I was into vintage motocycles and custom choppers so I got into that for a while. That was where I met a friend named Richard who introduced me the first home made tattoo machine. So I tried it and it seemed to work for me. My clients (was working from myrented room) were growing quickly but I wasn't charging much rather trading for cigarettes. I guess you could say I wasnt earning much. Professional tattooing was unheard of at the time, so I decided to make a change in life again.

I went to the British education fair and when it was in town in around late 1993. I applied for a place to study Law in the United Kingdom. One of the reasons was because law has no mathematics involved! I got a place went to law school and left motorcycles and tattooing. During my time in England I worked in a restaurant called the Red House in Telford, Shropshire in the Midlands, where my University is.

To make ends meet and pay for accommodation and school fees, I would go to a casino at night to try double my money. What a joke! It worked most of the time. During the time I would sometimes pass a tattoo studio located in Wolverhampton, where a tattoo artist called Spike owns. I would check out the tattoo designs and found that there was a big interest in Borneo style tattooing in the western world. So we became friends.

I graduated in 1997 but I didn't go home yet, still working in The Red House until January. Early in 1998 I went home and loafed around for a few months. Then an idea popped into my head to start a tattoo business. I rented a run down shop below where I am located now and started a very small studio which was 5 x 7 x 5 feet with some money I collected from home tattooing. Then when the shop first opened many people thought I was going mad! The four main reasons were...
1 because I have a law degree and I chose not to practice.
2 there is no way a business like tattooing is going to sustain itself
3 theres no respect to this trade here in Sarawak then.
4 Basically no one believed in the whole idea.

I can still remember my first customer, a guy called Tommy Leach from Denmark. He had an Iban Scorpion on the side of his foot. Business at the time was too slow so I collected enough money in a couple of months for the airfare to return to England to see my friend Spike. I left again and went straight into Wolverhampton to his tattoo studio and asked him for a job. He was the man who gave me my first shot into the International tattooing scene. For these reasons I will never forget him for that.

I then tattooed there for a year and two months and returned to sarawak where I reopened the shop. Business was getting better after my return in November 1999 - thanks to the Organiser Bit Schoeneberger of Ethno Tattoo in Lausanne Switzerland. I did my first International tattoo convention in Lausanne won two of my first trophy's, got 3rd best of day and respect prize.

At that stage I was still tattooing by machine only. During that period I met with the Leu Family where Felix Leu came into the Studio where I was doing a short guest artist spot and said these words 'hey man!, what the hell are you doing with those machines? Throw them in the trash, you got a culture...embrace it, practice it, don't waste it, you're the chosen one, use 'em sticks'. Then he walked out. I was left in a dazed situation and trying to figure out what he meant. Eventually I got what he meant. So I took his advice and started the journey. The rest is history as they say.

By then and for this I will always remember my guardian angel Don Feliz Maria @Felix Leu. All respect to him and his great family.

Are you originally from Sarawak, Borneo?

Yes I'm from Sarawak, Iban tribal origin.

You mentioned that you learned the traditional of technique of tattooing from the elders in the Iban region.

Yes, but this is just by theory only. No one really does it anymore at this time. Iban culture is a culture that is in many ways already dead. The only ones left are those elders who have the traditional tattoos but are not practicing tattooing the traditional way anymore. It was regarded as old fashioned or outdated like most of the other old practices.

In 1999 I started research in the interiors of Sarawak going to Kapit, Lubok Antu, Layar, Betong, Sibu and Miri to the longhouses to talk to the old people about the reasons why we Ibans tattoo, the meanings and how to recognise the motifs. The elders speak in old tongue and in rhymes. So sometimes what you hear is not always what you get! If you take it literally it may mean opposite or nothing at all. I understand the old language and folklore thanks for my great relationship with my grandfather who is a lemambang (Shaman).

I took notes, photographs and videos for records but the most important is being there and experiencing it first hand. Nothing beats that. You can read books but I would say accuracy is 40%, because most of the writers are foreigners and they most definitely don't speak Iban because they are not Iban. To understand you have to be Iban and living the Iban way. There are some recent writers who claim to know more Iban than an Iban which I find very strange!

After a two weeks trip Upriver and living in the longhouse they know everything already. Even me, I dare not claim what I know is maybe only 1% or even less of a culture that is already almost lost. So in short I just tried the method and tattooed traditionally since then and everyday I learn a new design. It is art. Practically I must say I was self taught.

How long did it take you to become an artist?

I suppose I was born to be one. I was already good at art and drawing long before tattooing.

Did you learn the traditional Borneo hand tattooing before you took up an electric needle?

I was exposed to traditional tattoos (not tattooing) before I knew about electric tattooing. I learned electric tattooing before I took on traditional tattooing.

There is a rich history of tattooing in Borneo. How would you say it has evolved to what it is now? I mean do most young people there go in for the traditional style or are they getting modern Western tattoo designs?

The traditional tattoos culture is at the brink of extinction, but modern tattoos are more in the trend. Usually if I have an Iban come to my studio to have a tattoo or tattoos I'll have a talk with them about the importance of preserving this culture. Hence, the only way is on skin and maintaining the original design and meanings. Most people would go for it these days. But generally a dying culture. Fashion and modernization kills cultures and traditions. We cannot go against time. This applies everywhere in the world. So I try in every little way I can to help preserve it.

Do you still see old tribal members with dots on their hands signifying that they killed someone?

Yes, but very rarely and chances are so remote to encounter even one. They are made out of dots or even designs and chevron style or even saw blade style dragons. But most importantly is that not everyone who has taken heads wishes to have such a tattoo because of the burdens that come with it. Only Ibans understand this part of their culture so I will not discuss it here.

It also signifies that you either have taken one or more heads yourself or have joined in the headhunting party, headed by a 'Tuai Kayau'. The tattoo is called an 'Entegulun' but pronounced "tegulun'. The tattoos are done usually on or after the 'Gawai Enchabung Arung' where the headhunters wife if married or mother if single welcomes the heads attained during each headhunting expedition to their longhouse with a 'Pua Kumbu' (weaved linen ) made with designs that are specially weaved. For example 12 Giant snake design (Nabau) with a sungai 'Sungai pemali' (Forbidden River) across the weaving in the middle separating six snakes on each side of the woven river.

The Gawai enchabung arug Arung is held for 7 days and 7 nights and those involved are not allowed to enter their "Bilik" for that same period of time, they eat, sleep and celebrate only in their Ruai (common area of the Longhouse). No contacts with ther wives or women (you know what i mean) in this period of time as this is the Taboo. There is more but I'm not giving anthropological lessons so I'll just stop here.

Can you tell me a bit more about your studio and a typical day in the life of Borneo Headhunters?

I only do a maximum of 2-5 tattoos per day on an appointment basis. The studio is opened from 11am to 7pm. It has a closed door system meaning that you either have to call in advance to see if I'm in or just drop by and knock the door for attention if I'm not in call. It is a no rush environment. I take my time on each piece whether it be by the machine or traditional tattooing. I have a lot of traditional designs that I attained from the old people and those designs will not be changed, but if there is a need for custom work I will design one.

Any conferences or guest appearances planned?

1.The Paris Convention In April 2007
2.The Northern Ink Exposure in Toronto June 15-17 2007 (tattoos.com)
3.The 2nd International Borneo Tattoo Convention 29th June -1st July 2007
4.The Evian International Tattoo Convention 2007 in Oct in Lausanne, Switzerland in Ethno Tattoo OCT 2007

Do you get a lot of Westerners traveling to Borneo to get the traditional Iban tattoos?

Yes, a lot, from tattoo artists, collectors, first timers and those seeking remembrance tattoos of their trips (souvenir). I mean, where else better to get a Borneo Tattoo than on the Island of Borneo itself, and from an Iban especially!

Your parting shot/funny story or words of wisdom!

I would like to thank everyone who has believed in me and those who gave a helping hand when i was in my darkest hour, and mostly to those who support the Culture and tradition of my people The Ibans and keeping it alive by getting traditional tattoos. All of you are Ibans as the word Iban means 'people' or 'person'. It was the British that gave Category to the name Iban. As a tribe or race, in the old day we were known by the name of the area or river that we come from (live) eg, Iban Batang ai means 'people'from Batang Ai riverine, Iban Saribas means 'people' that come from the Saribas Riverine.

For those who got and support traditional Iban tattooing, you all have been the example for us Ibans to realise what a beautiful and great culture we have. With this we can have a greater view and value for this dying tradition which was once great and shed light from a different prospective on the history of tattooing in our culture.

* Thank you again for the support on behalf of the Iban Culture.

Artist Details:

Borneo Headhunters Tattoo and Piercing Studio
1st Floor 47 Wayang Street
93250 Kuching
Sarawak
East Malaysia
Tel/Fax: 006-082-237062
Mobile: 006-019-8566317
www.borneoheadhunter.com

*courtesy of www.tao-of-tattoos.com

Gawai Dayak

2009-05-25T11:53:00.002+08:00

Gawai Day or Gawai Dayak is a festival celebrated in Sarawak on 1 June every year. It is both a religious and social occasion. The word Gawai means a ritual or festival whereas Dayak is a collective name for the native ethnic groups of Sarawak: Iban, Bidayuh, Kayan, Kenyah, Kelabit, and Lun Bawang among others. Thus, Gawai Dayak literally means "Dayak Festival". Dayak would visit their friends and relatives on this day. Such visit is more commonly known as "ngabang" in the Iban language. Those too far away to visit would receive greeting cards.

It started back in 1957 in a radio forum held by Mr Ian Kingsley, a radio programme organiser. This generated a lot of interest among the Dayak community.

The mode of celebration varies from place to place. Preparation starts early. Tuak (rice wine) is brewed (at least one month before the celebration) and traditional delicacies like penganan (cakes from rice flour, sugar and coconut milk) are prepared. As the big day approaches, everyone will be busy with general cleaning and preparing food and cakes. On Gawai Eve, glutinous rice is steamed in bamboo (ngelulun pulut). In the longhouse, new mats will be laid out on the ruai (an open gallery which runs through the entire length of the longhouse). The walls of most bilik (rooms) and the ruai are decorated with Pua Kumbu (traditional blankets). A visit to clean the graveyard is also conducted and offerings offered to the dead. After the visit it is important to bathe before entering the longhouse to ward off bad luck.

The celebration starts on the evening of 31 May. In most Iban longhouses, it starts with a ceremony called Muai Antu Rua (to cast away the spirit of greed), signifying the non-interference of the spirit of bad luck in the celebration. Two children or men each dragging a chapan (winnowing basket) will pass each family's room. Every family will throw some unwanted article into the basket. The unwanted articles will be tossed to the ground from the end of the longhouse for the spirit of bad luck.

Around 6 pm or as the sun sets, miring (offering ceremony) will take place. Before the ceremony, gendang rayah (ritual music) is performed. The Feast Chief thanks the gods for the good harvest, and asks for guidance, blessings and long life as he waves a cockerel over the offerings. He then sacrifices the cockerel and a little blood is used together with the offerings.

Once the offering ceremony is done, dinner is then served at the ruai. Just before midnight, a procession up and down the ruai seven times called Ngalu Petara (welcoming the spirit gods) is performed. During this procession, a beauty pageant to choose the festival's queen and king (Kumang & Keling Gawai) is sometimes conducted. Meanwhile, drinks, traditional cakes and delicacies are served.

At midnight, the gong is beaten to call the celebrants to attention. The longhouse Chief (tuai rumah) or Festival Chief will lead everyone to drink the Ai Pengayu (normally tuak for long life) and at the same time wish each other "gayu-guru, gerai-nyamai" (long life, health and prosperity). The celebration now turns merrier and less formal. Some will dance to the traditional music played, others will sing the pantun (poems). In urban areas, Dayaks will organise gatherings at community centres or restaurants to celebrate the evening.

Other activities that may follow the next few days include: cock-fighting matches, and blowpipe and ngajat competitions. On this day, 1 June, homes of the Dayaks are opened to visitors and guests.

Traditionally, when guests arrive at a longhouse, they are given the ai tiki as a welcome. From time to time, guests are served tuak. This would be called nyibur temuai which literally means "watering of guests".

Christian Dayaks normally attend a church mass service to thank God for the good harvest.

Gawai Dayak celebrations may last for several days. It is also during this time of year that many Dayak weddings take place, as it is one of the rare occasions when all the members of the community return home to their ancestral longhouse.

Up till 1962, the British colonial government refused to recognise Dayak Day. Gawai Dayak was formally gazetted on 25 September 1964 as a public holiday in place of Sarawak Day. It was first celebrated on 1 June 1965 and became a symbol of unity, aspiration and hope for the Dayak community. Today, it is an integral part of Dayak social life. It is a thanksgiving day marking good harvest and a time to plan for the new farming season or activities ahead.

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2009-05-24T21:20:00.002+08:00

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Borneo's headhunters enraged by centuries of loss

2009-05-24T19:43:00.000+08:00

Dayak youths carrying a spear ride past a burning ethnic Madurese house near Palangkaraya on the island of Borneo Sunday. Indonesian security officials flew into a ravaged district of Borneo on Sunday where up to 400 people have died in a week of ethnic bloodshed and where gangs armed with spears still roam the streets.

For centuries, Indonesia's Dayak headhunters have been cheated and robbed by outsiders, but now they are fighting back.

But their target — mainly dirt-poor settlers from Madura — appear to be more scapegoats than villains.Dayaks — actually an umbrella term covering more than 200 indigenous groups — have killed up to 400 Madurese over the past week after long-simmering tensions erupted into brutal slaughter in the rugged Borneo province of Central Kalimantan.However, the roots of the slaughter lie more in poverty and dispossession than outright ethnic hatred.

"(Dayaks)...are simple and honest and become the prey of the Chinese traders, who cheat and plunder them continually," wrote naturalist Alfred Wallace in the mid-1800s.

Their plight has only worsened since.

In modern Indonesia, the central government joined the plunder, stripping the Dayaks of their lands and shipping in hundreds of thousands of immigrants.

Most of the new settlers came from the tiny, arid island of Madura, off distant East Java. The warrior-like Madurese are renowned for their hot-tempered aggression, which sits at odds with the normally reserved, accepting Dayaks.

"The ethnic Dayaks are very gentle, tolerant and they like to give in," said Sarosa Hamongpranoto, a sociologist at East Kalimantan's University of Mulawarman. "But they can explode in rage to the extreme if their self-worth is constantly offended."

Once stirred, the Dayaks are fearsome — often reverting to the ritual headhunting that was formally abandoned around the turn of the century, and ripping out the hearts of their victims."In a way, they are now going back to basics," said Hamongpranoto. "The fact they are doing it again now indicates the magnitude and the greatness of the problem. This is a culmination of a long, deep-seated conflict."

Their reputation strikes fear into the hearts of even the Madurese, who themselves terrify Indonesia's majority Javanese.

Refugees fleeing the latest violence tell of Dayak hunters saying they can "smell" who are Madurese.

The Dayak lifestyle of hunting and shifting agriculture, centred on longhouses housing whole villages, does not sit well with Indonesia's rush to modernise.

As their lands across Indonesia's three-quarter share of Borneo were snatched for plantations, logging and mining — and bureaucrats from the main island of Java ran the province --they found themselves increasingly at the bottom of the social and economic ladder, usually along with the Madurese.

The Madurese are easy targets for Dayak resentment because they too are largely powerless and because what little economic success they enjoy is usually conspicuous as market stallholders.

Religious differences fan the flames. Madurese are Muslim and most Dayaks still follow their ancient kaharingan traditions — a mixture of animism and ancestor worship.

Dayak-Madurese tensions have long smouldered — hundreds died in West Kalimantan two years ago — but Central Kalimantan is the only province still with a Dayak majority, although no ethnic breakdown of its 1.4 million people is available.

The province itself was born in violence — formed by the fledgling Indonesian government in 1957 after a Dayak revolt demanding more autonomy.

But the immediate cause of the latest savagery is unclear. The police blame two local officials for inciting the bloodletting because they were angry at missing top jobs in a reshuffle under new regional autonomy laws.

"There could also be a third party who fanned the situation and tried to blow out this problem for a political reason," said Hamongpranoto.

Dance of Borneo

2009-05-16T12:16:00.002+08:00

Iban Ngajat

The Warrior Dance of Iban Ngajat. This fearsome Sarawak warrior dances the Iban Ngajat, a homecoming dance performed by male warriors upon returning to the village after fighting battles.

Datun Julud

The Hornbill Dance is a traditional dance of Sarawak's Kenyah women. Created by a Kenyah prince called Nyik Selong to symbolise happiness and gratitude, it was once performed during communal celebrations that greeted warriors returning from headhunting raids or during the annual celebrations that marked the end of each rice harvest season. Performed by a solo woman dancer to the sounds of the sape, beautiful fans made out of hornbill feathers are used to represent the wings of the sacred bird.

Sumazau

Sumazau is a traditional dance of Sabah's Kadazan people. Usually performed at religious ceremonies and social events, it is traditionally used to honour spirits for bountiful paddy harvests, ward off evil spirits and cure illnesses. Male and female dancers perform this steady hypnotic dance with soft and slow movements imitating birds in flight.

Bamboo Dance

Another highly popular and entertaining traditional dance is Bamboo Dance. Two long bamboo poles are held horizontally above the ground at ankle-height. They are clapped together to a high-tempo drumbeat. Requiring great agility, dancers are required to jump over or between the poles without getting their feet caught.

Limbai

Limbai is the dance of the Bajau people of the Kota Belud area on the west coast of Sabah. Three to four couples or more dressed in the traditional Bajau costumes with the women wearing the gold ornate sarimpak headpiece, circle about each other with the women coming to rest in a seated position with the men standing behind them. This dance is characterized by the graceful rotating wrist movements of the dancers. The music accompanying the Limbai is called bertitik. The instruments usually consist of a kulintangan which is a set of nine small kettle gongs and three hanging gongs and two double-headed drums called gandang. Limbai is performed during weddings and other social occasions.

Liliput

Liliput is a Bisaya dance from the district of Beaufort. Liliput means `go-round`. It is mainly danced to cast away the evil spirit from a ‘possessed` person and then to ‘return’ the person’s spirit. The dancing will continue until the person’s spirit ‘returns’.

Angalang

Angalang is a dance of the Murut. In olden days, this dance was performed in celebration of a successful headhunting party. Nowadays it is performed during wedding and other such occasions.

The performance consists of a solo male dancer doing the mahihialang, while a accompanied by a group of female dancers performing the Angalang. The male dancer is dressed as a warrior wearing the Murut bark jacket and loin cloth, wielding a sword known as a gayang, while the female dancers wear costumes known as limpur which is usually elaborately beaded and embroidered. On their heads is an ornate headpiece made of long beads in front and strands of smaller beads at the back. The man wears the feathered headpiece. This dance is normally accompanied by music played on six large gongs, twenty-five tagunggak or bamboo idiophones, and a drum called tambor.

Menangkuk Piring

Menangkuk piring is performed by the Kadazan Dusun of the Kota Marudu district in the north of Sabah. It is normally performed at wedding and other social occasions. Dancers perform with plates held in the palms of their hands. Graceful twists and turns of their wrists ensure that these plates never fall down. A fallen plate is a bad omen, especially if performed during a wedding celebration. Sometimes, lighted candles are placed in the centre of the plates, making the dance even more interesting.

Magunatip

Magunatip is a dance performed by the indigenous peoples of the interiors of Sabah, including the Kadazan Dusun of Tambunan, the Kwijau Dusun of Keningau and many of the Murut groups.

Magunatip is derived from the word atip meaning ‘to press between two surfaces’. Magunatip dancers need great skill and agility to dance among the bamboo poles, which are hit together to produce the rhythm of the dance. It is a dance of happiness performed at social occasions and the honour distinguished guests.

Mongigol Sumundai

Mongigol Sumundai is a dance from the Kudat and Pitas districts, performed by the Rungus. It is performed boat as an entertainment during festivities as well as a ritual dance. Three to eight female dancers are led by a male dancer. The women keep their arms close to their sides throughout the dance, moving only their wrists, steps are also slow and gentle. The costumes worn by the female dancers is the traditional Rungus dress –an elaborately weaved top called Banat with a knee-length sarung called tapi, with a scarf-like piece attached to the bodice in the centre in front and through over the back and crossed over with many stands of beads. Sometimes they wear saring or brass arm bangles and also brass leg coils. The music accompaniment is produced by four gongs and a drum called tontog.

Paina

The Paina is a dance of the Kadazan Dusun from the Membakut areas on the west coast of Sabah. It is performed during thanksgiving celebrations to the rice spirit following the rice harvest. It is normally performed by a group of men and women. A characteristic of the men’s dancing includes arms raised in front with hands turning from the wrists, while the women dance with alternate heel to heel, toe to toe foot movements. The women may wear the typical black costume of the Membakut Kadazan which is decorated with shining buttons, while the men wear the sigar headcloth and a sandai hanging from the neck.

Tarirai

This is a Bajau dance from the Semporna district on the East Coast. The dance evolved from a myth about some people who went to look for sea shells. They encountered a strange animal and the actions of the Tarirai depict the evasive action they look.

Sumayau (Mongigol Tuaran)

Sumayau ( Mongigol Tuaran ) is a ritual dance of the Lotud Dusun fron Tuaran. It is performed during the Rumaha which is a ceremony for honouring the spirits of skulls, or the Mangahau rituals for the spirits of sacred jars. The Sumayau is performed by up to eight couples who are dressed in elaborate black ritual costumes with long sleeves and a long sash around the neck. The women wear a ceremonial headpiece with red feathers, while the men wear the sigar. The female dancers move the feet slowly, heel to heel, toe to toe, while a male dancer stands and shakes the girring or small handbells sown onto cloth, keeping in time with the music which is placed on gongs and a drum.

Sumazau Papar

Sumazau Papar is a dance from the district of Papar in the west coast of Sabah. It is performed by both male and female dancers. The unique movements of the feet of the women heel meeting heel, toe meeting toe- makes this dances a delight to watch. The men dance with their arms outstretched in front of them, turning their wrists about. The women wear the traditional knee-length Papar costumes adorned with brass buttons and gold trimmings on the blouse, with a conical shaped hat called seraung placed over a head cloth called senaundung. The male dancers wear the headpiece called a sigar as well as a scarf or sandai over their costumes.

Adai-Adai

Adai-Adai is a dance evolved from a song sung by fishermen who originated from the Sipitang and Membakut districts in the South West of Sabah. Performed by both male and female dancers, this dance describes the activities of the fishermen and also the farmers of these areas. The dancers wear traditional Brunei clothes, and the accompanying music for the Adai-Adai is normally played on the gambus which is a lute of Arabic origin and popular among coastal Muslims, and the kompang, a frame drum. This dance is usually performed during important village festivals and also at wedding celebrations.

Bolak-Bolak

Bolak-Bolak is a traditional dance of the Bajau from the Semporna district on the East Coast, which has been handed down through generations. The Bolak-Bolak signifies the sound made when castanets held by a dancer is constantly clapped together, producing the rhythm of the music for the dance. This dance is traditionally performed during the presentation of brides wealth by the groom to the bride’s family as part of a wedding ceremony. The music accompaniment is played on the kulintangan ensemble in addition to gongs and drums.

Sumazau Penampang

Sumazau Penampang is the traditional dance of the Kadazan Dusun. It is performed during both ritual and social occasions. The dancers perform in pairs with the man leading the way. Both male and female dancers start off with arrhythmic movement on slightly bent knees and arms swinging by the sides. With a loud cry pangkis, the male dancer will lift his arms like wings outstretched and change his step to the alternating sole and toe movement with the women following suit, although in a much gentler manner. The dancers wear the traditional black costumes with gold trimmings. The women will have three rows of small brass rings strung on rattan called tangkong, and the tinggot which is a belt of old silver coins. The men wear a colourful embroidered headgear known as sigar.

The accompanying music is played by the sompogogungan ensemble consisting of six hanging gongs and a drum.

Daling-Daling

Daling-Daling is performed by the Suluk people who have settled on the east coast of Sabah. The name is said to have been derived from the English word ‘Darling’. Male and female dancers dance in pairs and this dance is characterized by the backward-wave fingers movements of the women wearing long spiked brass fingercaps called janggai. They also wear the kantiu trousers and the malkota head piece. The dancers perform to music played on a wooden xylophone known as gabang (gabbang), and a voilin, and accompanied by singing, either by a soloist or a chorus of four or more.

Titikas

Titikas is a traditional dance of the Orang Sungai from the Kinabatangan district in Sandakan. It is performed as a welcome dance during official functions, as well as festive occasions in the villages.

The hands movements of the dancers copy the game of Ingki-Ingki, where a person places palm, from top to bottom and vice versa. The instruments used for the music is known as the Titikas ensemble, consisting of a nine-keyed gabang (gabbang) or xylophone and two large kantung vertical hardwood slit gongs that stand about a meter tall.

*courtesy of borneoexpress.com

The Dayak of Indonesian Borneo

2009-02-14T11:58:00.000+08:00

Focus of traditional culture

In the pre-colonial time, the Ngaju in the catchment area of the Kahayan, were more open to technological and cultural influences from outside than most other Dayak. With the arrival of the Dutch and - in 1835 - the missionary Rheinische Mission (later followed up by the Basler Mission, many converted to christianity. The missionaries founded very good schools, so that the christianized areas nowadays have a lot illiteracy rate. Education stimulated a 'national awakening' among the Ngaju and Ma'anyan Dayak. This development was even more encouraged by the Dutch rule, aimed at the ban of islam from the inlands. Already long before the Second World War, the Dayak founded (nationalistic) political parties.
During the Indonesian battle for independence against the Dutch, the Dayak from KalTeng fought under major Tjilik Riwut, a Ngaju Dayak which practiced the traditional religion. After the proclamation of independence, Jakarta decided that the islamic Banjarmasin and mostly Dayak area west of it, should be one province. The plan got resistance from the Dayak - the Ngaju in front - which demanded a sole province. Under Riwut, which had become big during the revolution, the Dayak began a small guerrilla. The Indonesian army limited escalation of the conflict, probably because Riwut had been a loyal soldier. In 1957, the province of KalTeng was officially formed by Presidential Law. The government was lead by the Ngaju, and Rawit became governor.
The 'battle' was about a sole province, together with a revaluation of the traditional Dayak culture, especially the religious part - a reaction on the worsening missionaries. The traditional religions of the Ngaju, Ot Danum, Ma'anyan and other Dayak was named kaharingan ('power of life').
After the communist party was declared illegal in the 1960's, the subject 'religion' became very sensitive. The state ideology saw religion as believe in one God and the membership ow a 'acknowledged' world religion with a holy book. The Dayak were seen as 'atheists' (a synonymous for communist) and had the choice: converting to a world religion or being pressured by local authorities to do so. With this in your mind, it's fairly clear why the missions (with their schools, hospitals and lighter pression) had much more success after the 1960's. Different than in the 17th and 18th century, christianity offered more possibilities for social progress than islam.
Over time the ban on local religions was abandoned. In 1980, kaharingan was officially recognised as religion, but only as a part of the Hindu Dharma, so in fact it was placed under hinduism. In KalTeng, a small minority does practice this religion.

The carnival in the Jungle

In the religion of the Ngaju, the supernatural world is important, in which also the souls of ancestors have their place. Just like among other Dayak, the Ngaju known ritual re-burial, which usually takes place several months (sometimes several years) after the initial burial. This re-burial is very important for the soul of the deceased, so it can reach the highest point in heaven. With practicing the rytes, they protect themselves against bad supernatural powers.
The first funeral takes place just after someone has died. During this ceremony, masked dancers protect the deceased against the bad spirits. Guided by drums, the kaharingan-priests start singing, which will send the soul to heaven. On it's journey in the traditional ship of souls it is accompanied by spirits. Once in heaven, which consists of several 'layers', the soul has to wait in the lowest layer until the re-burial takes place.

Image Sandung

During this second ritual (tiwah), the remainders of the deceased are excavated, cleaned and put in a special grave. These woodcarved and decorated graves often have the shape of a bird or watersnake and are decorated with images of the hereafter. Too bad sandung from the factory replace the traditional tombes.
The tiwah is a big, complex and long lasting event. The cost vary between US$6,000 and US$12,000. It's common that several families hold a tiwah together, so they can spread the cost of sacrificed animals like a big number of waterbuffalo's and pigs. Once there were more than 200 souls brought to a higher level in one ceremony. But a tiwah also is a happy event. In the open air, foodstalls and shops are put up, and at some distance, there is also some gambling. The tiwah is the carnival of the jungle.

Adaptions

Sandung made of concrete are not the only changes in the kaharingan religion. To make the religion acceptable for the government a council was set up, which had to control the theological and ritual activities of the about 330,000 supporters. None of the about 78 basir upu (top specialists about rites) are part of the council and also the about threehundred kaharingan priests are not in there as well.
The council reflects aspects of the religion which are also known in other big religions. It also organises weekly meetings in specially built kaharingan-communal rooms, complete with speeches, prayers and psalms. Furthermore, the council registrates and coordinates all tiwah (there are two to ten every year), before giving an advice to the police, which can eventually give a permit.

How to grow your audience with Following

2009-02-03T09:25:00.000+08:00

How to grow your audience with Following

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KEEPING LANGUAGES ALIVE

2009-01-31T10:27:00.003+08:00

The world’s diverse languages should be spoken, celebrated, and preserved, writes SHELDON SHAEFFER .

Not a week passes without the report of a species - ranging from Bornean orangutans to Australian spiders - being threatened, endangered, or newly extinct. Large amounts of resources, both human and financial, and considerable passion, of both environmentalists and developers, are expended in the fight over whether to save the species or let it die. The preservation of biodiversity, seen as essential for a sustainable future, has become a major battleground of this century.

If only so much passion were devoted to another kind of diversity - that of languages and cultures! For languages - and the cultures they transmit - are in serious trouble. Ninety-seven percent of the world’s people speak only 4% of the world’s languages, which means that only 3% of the world’s people speak 96% of its languages.

In 1992, the linguist Michael Krauss predicted that, if nothing were done, 90 percent of the world’s 6,000 or so living languages (1/3 of which are in Asia) would become extinct over the next hundred years. Fifty percent of these he classified as “moribund” (where the language is not being taught to or learned by children of the language group) and another 40% as “endangered” (where the conditions exist that, if not changed, will result in the language not being passed on to the next generation). Thus, only 10% of the world’s total languages can be reasonably classified as “safe” - in other words, languages which have very large numbers of speakers and official state support. Linguistic and cultural diversity is under serious threat around the world.

courtesy of Tansang Kenyalang,read more at;

http://gnmawar.wordpress.com/keeping-languages-alive/